Tectonic shifts in international relations at the end of the 20th century undermined the influence of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). And yet, it currently includes more than 100 countries. The movement faces the task of updating itself to reflect the realities of the new era. India believes that NAM should adopt the following guiding principles in the future: reach consensus on the main issues of concern to all developing countries; avoid delving into contentious issues between member countries; make efforts to become a pole in a multipolar world; strengthen economic cooperation among the countries of the South; develop values such as: democracy, human rights and multiculturalism.

IS THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT DEAD?

The XIII NAM Conference, held in Kuala Lumpur in February 2003, was of considerable importance. It was attended by a delegation of India headed by Prime Minister A. B. Vajpayee. The theme of this summit was "the ongoing revival of the Non-Aligned Movement". India stressed that the movement should focus on the global issues of our time that unite its members, rather than divide them. It should adopt a positive agenda with a focus on creating a multipolar world, UN system reform, North-South and South-South cooperation. Previous NAM Foreign Ministers ' meetings (Durban, April 2002; New York, September 2002) highlighted the importance of all these tasks and the need for complete disarmament.

At the same time, other statements by the leaders of India, emphasizing the importance of non-alignment in the country's foreign policy, belong to the same period. Thus, Indian Foreign Minister Yashwant Sinha, speaking at the National College in Delhi in November 2002, noted that under the leadership of Nehru, Nasser and Tito, the Non-Aligned Movement became a serious political force, and the Group of 77, which included most of the non-aligned countries, became an important tool for discussing economic issues. Thanks to non-alignment, he said, India has played and continues to play a prominent role in international relations. The same Ya Sinha directly stated: "I believe that the philosophy of non-alignment is still very relevant for modern foreign policy, since it is based on the idea of an independent foreign policy of our country." ¹

In turn, Natwar Singh, Foreign Minister of the current Government of the United Progressive Alliance, stressed that NAM needs to be reconstructed and updated to meet the challenges of the early 21st century. At the same time, he noted that the Non-Aligned Movement and Non-Aligned Movement are not synonymous. India was a non-aligned country even before NAM was born. Non-alignment means pursuing an independent foreign policy and protecting vital national interests without harming other peoples. This requires a great deal of diplomatic skill. The NAM should be reformed and modified to meet current conditions.

40 years ago, important issues were colonialism, apartheid and imperialism. Today is a new agenda. These are financial issues, terrorism, environmental issues, demographics, and AIDS. The non-aligned countries should also join forces in the UN, including on the issue of reforming the UN Security Council, in which Asia, Latin America and Africa are represented by only one country - China as a permanent member of the Security Council, and the Western world - by four countries: the United States, France, Great Britain and Russia. "This is absolutely undemocratic and unrealistic. Let's all get together and talk about it. " ²

Continuing this theme, N. Singh also asked the following question: if non-alignment is no longer relevant, then why is the existence of NATO established in 1949 relevant? The Warsaw Pact no longer exists, and NATO has moved to the borders of Russia. And what does NATO need in Afghanistan, where 99% of the population has not seen the sea, especially the ocean? The idea of reorienting the role of non-aligned countries in the post-cold war period was also expressed in the speech of Indian President A. P. Abdul Kalam at a joint session of both Houses of Parliament on June ^{7, 2004.3}

INDIA'S DECISION TO BECOME A NUCLEAR POWER

Developments over the past decade have shown that there is still no real disarmament, including nuclear disarmament. At the same time, new, more advanced and destructive types of weapons are being developed. The "on-site" test of high-precision weapons in Yugoslavia in real conditions clearly demonstrated to the world the direction in which the countries of the North are moving in these matters.

All this cannot be ignored in the analysis of India's nuclear program, its tests of nuclear weapons and their means of delivery. A purely realistic approach is needed here. In its attitude to India's nuclear program as a strategic partner, Russia cannot ignore India's national security concerns.

Russia with caution

Ending. For the beginning, see: "Asia and Africa today", 2005, N 4-5.

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reacted to the nuclear tests of India and Pakistan in May 1998. Nevertheless, she showed restraint in this matter. The current situation required a balanced approach and a sober assessment. Russia is objectively interested in the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. It is also obvious that at a time when it is in a protracted crisis, when its army has largely lost its combat readiness, nuclear weapons are for it almost the most important factor of security and influence in the world. But this does not mean that Moscow can use such an advantage indefinitely. It's too expensive. It is in Russia's interests to actually reduce its nuclear potential to a reasonable minimum, but only on a strictly equal basis with the United States, and at the same time involve Great Britain, France and China in this process. In this case, the nuclear powers will have the moral right to demand from non-nuclear and threshold States, including India, that they refrain from carrying out military nuclear programs.

India stated that when it decided to conduct nuclear tests, it assumed that the nuclear Powers had not demonstrated a firm determination to move towards a world free of nuclear threats in the half-century since the first American atomic bomb exploded over Hiroshima on August 6, 1945. Indians believe that a country's national security in a world saturated with nuclear weapons can be achieved in two ways-universal disarmament or the implementation of the principle of equal and legitimate security for all.

Explaining India's decision to become a nuclear power, Indian leaders noted that the moralistic approach and self-restraint in nuclear policy did not bring noticeable dividends. Disarmament proved to be an unrealistic policy. India has stressed that its nuclear tests in May 1998 did not violate any of its international obligations, as it was not a signatory to the Non-Proliferation and Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaties.

At the same time, the current OPA government does not fully agree with the arguments in favor of conducting these nuclear tests. According to Indian Foreign Minister N. Singh, these tests conducted by the previous NDA government were a departure from the national consensus in India's foreign policy. The country already had such capabilities after the first nuclear tests in 1974, but did not cross the "nuclear threshold". And this was in India's best interests. The NDA government only "pressed" a button, while all the basic, hard work was done by previous INC governments. A. B. Vajpayee did not consult with the five previous prime ministers, which he should have done, and did not call a special session of Parliament. He reported these tests only to US President Clinton.

After India's nuclear tests, Pakistan also gained nuclear capabilities, and India's superiority in conventional weapons became meaningless. The tests led to nuclear parity between India and Pakistan. Therefore, Pakistan refuses to sign the treaty on non-first nuclear strike. The current Government should develop a mechanism under which this problem should be solved by India, China and Pakistan4 .

For more than half a century, India has tirelessly emphasized its independence in conducting foreign policy, always reserving the right to choose a decision in one or another political sphere, including the fundamentally important decision on the possession of nuclear weapons. Moreover, the importance of military and military aspects in international relations has increased in recent years, and the number of armed conflicts in different parts of the world has not decreased. In essence, the arms race has begun again, which is one-sided in nature - the military muscle of Western states, primarily the United States, is being built up. This, in particular, is confirmed by the growth of the US military budget to $ 450 billion in 2004, which is significantly more than in the mid-90s. ⁵

RUSSIA AND INDIA: PROBLEMS OF COOPERATION AND SECURITY

Relations with Russia occupy a special place in Indian foreign policy. The partnership between Russia (USSR) and India has no analogues in modern history. For more than half a century, with the exception of a brief period in the first half of the 1990s, it has made an invaluable contribution to the development of both countries in various forms-political, economic, scientific, military - technical, and cultural cooperation, as well as to the formation of the post-war structure of international relations. If we add to this that over the past decades, relations between Russia and India have never been burdened by any conflicts or unsolvable contradictions, then there is every reason to call them a natural partnership. Taking into account the experience of the distant and near past, current relations, political and economic resources of both countries, the strategic partnership between Russia and India can play a major role in creating a new world order in the XXI century.

Russia and India, each in their own way, are going through a complex cycle of transformations and path choices that are closely related to internal and external problems. A certain uncertainty and indecision in their orientation in the current international arena is characteristic not only for them, but also for many other States.

The Soviet Union's strategic policy of developing ties with India in the face of confrontation between the two systems was quite justified and brought tangible benefits to both sides, meeting their national interests. At the same time, Soviet-Indian cooperation did not create an imbalance in international relations and did not undermine the existing structure of international relations.

After the collapse of the USSR, the fall of authority and influence Grew-

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With the latest developments in the world, the situation has changed significantly. This could not but affect Russian-Indian relations. Now they are at a lower level than before. On the one hand, they are still characterized by good neighborliness and friendship. And this is a powerful resource left to us from the past. On the other hand, there is a more pragmatic approach of both countries to the development of bilateral relations, taking into account the new situation in the geostrategic balance of power.

Adaptation of Russia, India and many other countries to the new conditions comes with considerable difficulties and costs. Russia's foreign policy priorities have changed dramatically. Relations with the CIS countries, other border states, problems of relations with the United States and other Western powers came to the fore. The Soviet Union's global approach to foreign policy receded into the background and was largely replaced by a policy of responding to various situations in the world.

The dramatic change in the international situation after the end of the Cold War could not but affect changes in Indian foreign policy. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent near-total orientation of Russia towards the West required India to take new approaches to assessing its security. After the end of the cold war, India, unlike Russia, did not make any drastic moves contrary to its previous policies. It adapts pragmatically to changes in the world, based on considerations of protecting national interests and security.

RUSSIA AND INDIA - CLOSE POSITIONS ON CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

Russia and India hold similar or similar views on a number of important issues of our time. During Vladimir Putin's visit to India in December 2004, both countries reaffirmed their commitment to establishing a more democratic world order based on a multipolar world that should take into account the major changes that have taken place in world politics over the past decades. They expressed satisfaction that the strategic partnership between Russia and India serves long-term national interests, strengthens bilateral relations, deepens mutually beneficial cooperation and contributes to international peace and security.

Both sides attach great importance to preserving the UN system as a center of multilateral policy. They stress the need for broad reforms of the UN to reflect both the increased membership of the organization and current realities. Expanding with the UNSC is crucial to make it more representative and effective. In this regard, Russia reiterated its support for India as a strong candidate who deserves a permanent seat on the enlarged Security Council.

In connection with the upcoming reform of the UN, the UN commission, known as the "Council of Sages", proposes to evenly distribute seats in the Security Council among the states of the Asia-Pacific region, America, Africa and Europe. Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, which entered into an alliance in September 2004 for this purpose and enlisted the support of Moscow, London and Paris, are applying for permanent membership in the Security Council. Of the African countries, Egypt, Nigeria and South Africa have the most chances. Japan counts on the support of the United States and insists on equal rights of all Security Council members with regard to the right of veto. While expressing Russia's readiness to support India as a candidate for permanent membership in the UN Security Council, Vladimir Putin expressed concern about the fate of the veto in the Security Council. If, as a result of the reform of this organization, this right ceases to exist, then "the UN will lose its significance altogether and turn into a club of interests" ⁶ .

Russia and India oppose the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and their means of delivery. They emphasize the importance of taking measures to ensure that these weapons do not fall into the hands of terrorists. As strategic partners, Russia and India reaffirm their commitment to achieving WMD nonproliferation goals through both bilateral and multilateral cooperation. They also support efforts to prevent the proliferation of weapons in outer space.

Russia and India believe that their cooperation deepens strategic stability in Asia and around the world. Regarding the situation in Central Asia, Russia and India believe that security and stability in this region meet the priority interests of both countries. The development of the Central Asian States along the path of democracy requires respect for their freedom to choose a model of development and reform. Both countries consistently advocate a peaceful solution to the Iraqi problem through the collective efforts of the United Nations, call for no military actions to be carried out without the consent of the international community, and express deep concern about the military actions of the United States and Great Britain against Iraq, which were taken in circumvention of the UN Security Council. And now both countries continue to adhere to their principled positions on resolving the situation in Iraq strictly within the UN framework, taking into account the legitimate interests of the Iraqi people, while respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of this country. They express the need for an internal Iraqi dialogue aimed at reaching a national consensus on a new constitution and restoring stability and security in the country, as well as their interest in contributing to the reconstruction of Iraq. Russia and India call for broader international consultations on peacekeeping efforts in the country, and demand the restoration of a multilateral approach to resolving situations such as the war in Iraq ^.7

RUSSIA AND INDIA AGAINST DOUBLE STANDARDS IN RELATION TO TERRORISM

In the last decade, the terrorist threat has increased.

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activities all over the world, which are often associated with undermining the foundations of democracy, the unity and integrity of states, separatism and drug trafficking. In Russia, India, the United States and other countries, it has taken threatening forms. The growth of international terrorism, transnational organized crime, and illicit drug and arms trafficking has a significant impact on global and regional stability. Terrorism is capable of destabilizing the situation not only in individual States, but also in entire regions. Hence the urgent need to create a broad international system to combat it.

India has been facing various forms of international terrorism for many years. She believes that terrorism is one of the most serious challenges for all States today.

Russia strongly condemns cross-border terrorism in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir and other parts of India, and supports the measures taken by this country to curb the activities of forces that rely on terrorist methods.

For its part, India believes that Russia's actions in Chechnya, as an integral part of the Russian Federation, are important steps to overcome terrorism, which is led by external forces associated with it. Russia and India oppose double standards in relation to international terrorism. There can be no good and bad terrorists. All of them pose a threat to the life and safety of people ⁸ .

Russia and India believe that global terrorism in all its forms and manifestations is one of the most serious threats to international peace and security and condemn all acts of terrorism, no matter who and where they are committed, regardless of their motivation. They emphasize that there can be no justification for terrorism for any reason, including ideological, religious, racial, ethnic or other reasons ^.9

A QUALITATIVELY NEW STAGE IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF RUSSIAN-INDIAN RELATIONS

During the visit of the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin. In December 2004, it was agreed that India would support Russia's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO). Both sides saw such support as an important demonstration of the two countries ' strategic partnership. Special importance was attached to cooperation in the field of energy. An agreement was signed between Gazprom and the Gas Authority of India to continue joint work on the development of a gas field on the shelf in the Bay of Bengal. The program is scheduled for seven years. The first well was expected to be drilled in 2005. Joint construction and maintenance of main gas pipelines in India, gas processing, and supply of equipment for the oil and gas industry from Russia are planned. It is possible that Gazprom will become a partner in the implementation of the gasification project for many localities in India ^.10

Russia and India confirmed their readiness to continue cooperation in the field of nuclear energy, as well as in the construction of hydro and thermal power plants. They agreed to encourage the development of investment in the energy sector by Indian companies in Russia and Russian companies in India, considering this area of activity as a priority. India has invested $ 1.7 billion in oil production under the Sakhalin-1 project and is considering the possibility of participating in the Sakhalin-3 project (the estimated amount of capital investment is about $ 1.5 billion). Such deals are beneficial for both Russia and India, which imports more than 70% of the oil consumed. ¹¹

Russia expressed interest in developing cooperation with India in the field of information technologies, including joint actions in the high-tech market. Russian software exports amount to only $ 500 million, while India exports the same product worth $ 12.5 billion. Vladimir Putin called on Indian leaders in the field of information technology to use Russian engineering personnel to work together to create software.

Given that the annual trade turnover between Russia and India is only about $ 1.5 billion, the task was set to radically expand it through cooperation in high-tech areas, including electronics, telecommunications, pharmaceuticals, as well as mechanical engineering and metallurgy. ¹²

The Russian side raised the issue of further use of Indian debt (about $ 3 billion). Moscow would like to receive most of this money in shares of Indian companies, primarily telecommunications companies, that is, the most profitable ones. Negotiations on this topic continue. However, this does not mean that Russia refuses traditional Indian goods (tea, coffee, spices, leather, etc.).

As before, one of the most important topics in Russian-Indian relations is military-technical cooperation (MTC). Since 1960, its volume has been estimated at $ 33 billion. Today, Indian orders account for 50% of the contracts already signed by Russia with all countries, and they will be completed in the next 5 to 6 years. During 2004, a package of documents on military-technical cooperation was signed, which includes a contract for the supply of the Admiral Gorshkov aircraft carrier and carrier-based aircraft (16 MiG-29K aircraft) to India in the amount of about $ 1.5 billion. An agreement was reached on the licensed production of 310 Russian T-90S tanks at Indian factories ($700 million), on the supply of Su-30MKI fighters, and on future purchases by India of Tu-22M operational-strategic bombers of naval aviation. Negotiations are underway on the project of joint development and production of a multifunctional military transport aircraft based on the IL-214 with the participation of Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, a design bureau

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Ilyushin and Irkut Corporation. The BrahMos cruise missile of the joint Russian-Indian development has already been adopted by the military fleets of both countries. India is also considering purchasing Tunguska missile and gun systems and Smerch multiple launch rocket systems. According to Russian experts, today 39% of Russia's military exports are made up of supplies for the Indian armed forces ^.13

During Vladimir Putin's visit, an agreement was reached on cooperation in restoring and using both for military and commercial purposes the Global Navigation Satellite System (GLONASS) developed in the USSR, which allows you to determine the position on the ground with an accuracy of one meter, as well as the American Global Positioning System (GPS), which is under the control of the Pentagon. GLONASS requires 24 satellites, or at least 18, to cover the entire globe. Currently, only 11 satellites of this system are in orbit, which does not ensure its full functioning. This means that Russia and India will jointly develop the ground-based part of the GLONASS system. Combining the efforts of the two countries will enable them to have at least 18 GLONASS satellites in low-Earth orbit by 2007. It should be noted that India has already had a similar agreement with the European Union on the use of its global positioning system. However, according to the Indians, the Russian GLONASS system is more advanced ^.14

GLONASS will allow the use of satellite navigation for both military and commercial purposes in the event of Washington disabling its GPS system in conditions of conflict or political differences. Joint work on improving GLONASS is an important link in the development of strategic partnership between the two countries. In the future, all Russian military equipment supplied to India can be equipped with GLONASS ¹⁵ receivers .

The agreement on the protection of intellectual property in the field of military-technical cooperation remains among the unresolved issues between Russia and India. The point is that Russia will be able to share the latest defense technologies with India only if such an agreement is signed. Thus, Russia wants to exclude the possibility of selling the development of Russian military equipment by the Indians to third countries ^.16

According to reports, India has been delaying the signing of an agreement on the protection of intellectual property for two years, citing the fact that each of the Russian-Indian agreements on military-technical cooperation has corresponding clauses that provide such protection. However, in February 2004, India and the United States have signed an agreement to protect the secrecy of military technology. During the talks between Vladimir Putin and Manmo Khan Singh, an agreement was reached to sign an agreement on the protection of intellectual property within 3 to 4 months ¹⁷ .

Despite some problems, Russian-Indian relations are beginning to reach a qualitatively new level, corresponding to the strategic partnership between Russia and India and meeting both the capabilities of the two countries, especially in the field of high technologies and military-technical cooperation, and the current situation in the world. Bilateral relations between the two countries in key areas of economy and military-technical cooperation meet the goals of international security, the fight against terrorism, the creation of a multipolar world, and the strengthening of collective instruments of world politics, primarily the UN.

* * *

Cardinal changes in the world over the past decade and a half have objectively contributed to strengthening the position and growing influence of India, which really claims to be a great power in the XXI century. It adapts flexibly to changes on the world stage, based on fundamental considerations of protecting national interests and security. Despite large-scale unresolved problems, India, as the largest democracy, successfully overcomes difficulties and preserves the unity and integrity of the state. It has accepted the changing world with all its complexities and is actively using new opportunities to strengthen its economic and political position.

Indian foreign policy is characterized by pragmatism, a realistic assessment of current events in the world, and a global coverage of the main economic and political problems facing the world community. It is increasing its regional and global influence and is ready to make a breakthrough in economic development. India can become an important factor in the strategic balance of power in Asia and the world much faster than it seems today.

^{Yashwant Sinha.} 1 Aspects of India's foreign policy. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. New Delhi, 2003, pp. 69, 70, 202.

² Interview of India's External Affairs Minister to "India Today" (June 14, 2004); to "Outlook" (June 7, 2004).

³ Там же; President's Address to the Joint Session of Parliament. 07.06.2004.

⁴ "The Week", June 13, 2004.

⁵ "The New York Times", 26.12.04.

⁶ Rossiyskaya Gazeta. 04.12.2004.

⁷ Joint Declaration by the Russian Federation and the Republic of India. 03.12.2004.

⁸ "Indian Bulletin". Bulletin of the Embassy of India in Russia. 2003, N 3, с. 11; Lok Sabha Elections 2004. Manifesto of the Indian National Congress, p. 26 - 27.

⁹ Joint Declaration...

¹⁰ Rossiyskaya Gazeta. 03.12.2004; 04.12.2004.

^{Amit Bama.} 11 India and Russia. Firming Up a Friendship // "Frontline". 18 - 31.12.2004.

¹² "The Deccan Herald". 05.12.2004.

¹³ Nezavisimaya Gazeta. 01.12.2004, 03.12.2004; Rossiyskaya Gazeta. 04.12.2004.

^{Anuradha M. Chenoy.} 14 India and Russia. The Real Meaning of the Visit // "Frontline". 18 - 31.12.2004.

¹⁵ Rossiyskaya Gazeta. 03.12.2004, 04.12.2004; "The Hindu". 01.12.2004; "The Deccan Herald". 03.12.2004.

¹⁶ Nezavisimaya Gazeta. 03.12.2004.

^{Amit Bama.} 17 India and Russia... // "Frontline". 18 - 31.12.2004.

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