Kashmir today is one of the "pain points" of the Planet. To understand the specifics of this region, you need to answer the question: what are Kashmiris ethnically and superethnically? The authorities, both British and Indian, have considered and continue to consider Kashmiris as a people belonging to the Indian civilization. However, the failures of their policy in Kashmir cast doubt on this view. Until recently, we did not have a developed methodology for studying such problems, but now socio-natural history can offer such a methodology. Below we offer some hypotheses that, in our opinion, can be proved or disproved only in the course of a comprehensive study using SEI methods.

Kashmir and the surrounding areas of the Western Himalayas and Eastern Hindu Kush are among the most ethnically complex regions in Asia. The ethnic history of Kashmir is still largely unexplored. It is very likely that this is largely the reason why the region's most acute ethnic (and political) problems have not yet been resolved. Moreover, in our deep conviction, the very appearance of these problems was the result of ignorance of the real ethno-cultural situation. It is precisely because of this ignorance that the politicians who ruled Kashmir, first British and then Indian, often carried out incorrect and ill-conceived policies, which became both the cause of problems and the main obstacle to their resolution.

According to popular belief, the Kashmir problem arose after the partition of British India in 1947 and the subsequent decision of the Hindu ruler of the principality of Jammu and Kashmir to join India. However, the roots of the conflict lie much deeper than many people think. They are to be found in the policies pursued in the region by Great Britain in the 19th century, when Kashmir (an area with an almost entirely Muslim population) was sold to the Hindu Maharaja of the neighboring mountainous principality of Jammu, resulting in a new political entity - the principality of Jammu and Kashmir. Perhaps the British were quite sincere in their belief that such actions increased their popularity among Kashmiris: the latter were considered descendants of Hindus who had once been forcibly converted to Islam and, as expected,were expected to see the colonial authorities as restorers of historical justice. 1
The results of this policy turned out to be the opposite of expected. The principality of Jammu and Kashmir has already turned into an unstable zone during the colonial period-

1 It should be noted with regret that such views were not confined to representatives of the British colonial administration. Thus, the outstanding Russian indologist A. E. Snesarev wrote in the first half of the XX century: "... only in 1819 did the power over Kashmir return to the hands of the Hindu dynasty after five centuries " (Snesarev, 1981, p.70).

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ste. Up to 1947. it was in a state of hidden ethnic and religious conflict. Sometimes this conflict took open forms. So, in 1931-1932. Kashmir was engulfed in a popular uprising, which the colonial authorities were able to suppress only with the help of aviation. History shows the failure of British policy in Kashmir. But what policy could be successful? The answer to this question has not yet been found, and Kashmir continues to be a "hot spot". Meanwhile, the search for a solution is vital, as the Kashmir conflict, which has long been an international one, can escalate into a war with unpredictable consequences.

It seems indisputable that no solution can be found without a thorough knowledge of the ethnic and cultural situation in Kashmir. Therefore, a socio-natural study of Kashmir can yield extremely important results.

In the history of Kashmir, a number of interesting facts attract attention. The most famous of these is the dramatic and profound changes in culture that took place in the Middle Ages. They were most clearly manifested, perhaps, in the sphere of religion. The spread of Islam was common throughout medieval North India, but nowhere did it go as far as in Kashmir. In the twentieth century, about 95% of its inhabitants were Muslims, and the process of Islamization seems to have largely ended in the late Middle Ages.2 This fact is even more surprising when you consider that the spread of Islam in Kashmir began relatively late. The first Muslim dynasty known from historical sources in Kashmir came to power in the 14th century.3. This means that Islamization here was late compared to other areas of Northwestern India. Neighboring Punjab was ruled by Muslim dynasties from the beginning of the XI century, and Sindh was conquered by the Arabs in the early VIII century. However, Islam has not spread as widely in Punjab or Sindh as in Kashmir. 4
The change in faith was accompanied by changes in many other areas of culture. Hardly anywhere in South Asia has these changes been more drastic than in Kashmir. They affected not only spiritual culture, such as folklore, where stories borrowed from Iran and Central Asia spread, but also material culture (clothing). Historians have already noted the fact of changing the cut of clothing in Kashmir with the advent of Islam [Bamzai, 1973, p. 511]. Cultural changes in Kashmir were characterized by mass character: they affected absolutely all segments of the population. The results of these processes are still evident today. The rare foreigner who visits the Kashmir Valley cannot escape the impression of being in the Middle East or Central Asia and is struck by the striking cultural differences between the locals and other Indians.

The mechanism and causes of the cultural and historical processes that took place in medieval Kashmir are still unclear. Repeated attempts were made

2 There is no reason to assume a significant change in the religious situation in Kashmir in Modern times. In any case, there has been no noticeable increase in the proportion of the Muslim population over the past two centuries.

3 It cannot be ruled out, however, that Islamization may have started at an earlier time. This is indicated, in particular, by the mention of the presence of Muslims in Kashmir in Marco Polo's book: "The local people do not kill animals and do not shed blood; and when they want to eat meat, it is necessary that the Saracens living there also fill the animals" [Marco Polo's Book, 1955, p.269]. Accurate dating of the beginning of the spread of Islam will be possible only after a thorough study of the history of Kashmir at the end of the XII - XIII centuries. This period, which is very fragmentary in the chronicles, remains almost unexplored. The earlier era is described in detail by the twelfth-century poet and chronicler Kalhana in the court chronicle Rajatarangini. There is no reason to assume mass Islamization at this time.

4 In the early 1940s (just before the partition of British India), Muslims made up about 57% of the population of Punjab, while in Sindh their share did not exceed 70% [Census of India..., 1941].

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explain these processes by the action of a number of factors common to the entire medieval North India. They usually included the political instability in the late pre-Muslim period, the attractiveness of Islam with its egalitarian attitudes for lower-caste Hindus and untouchables, the active missionary activity of Muslim Sufi preachers, as well as the policy of the ruling circles, which strongly encouraged the transition to a new religion, and sometimes enforced it [Bamzai, 1973]. All these explanations, however, do not seem convincing: they leave unclear the reasons for the deep diversity of the religious and cultural situation in Kashmir. Indeed, one cannot help but wonder why the effects of these factors, which are characteristic of most of South Asia, were quite different in Kashmir than in the rest of the subcontinent. The" resilience " of the Indian cultural tradition, its ability to successfully resist Muslim influence, has been repeatedly noted by Indological researchers.5 It is no coincidence that Northern India is, if not the only one, then one of the very few regions in the world where, despite centuries of Muslim political dominance, Islam has not become the dominant religion. The very different development of events in Kashmir certainly requires an explanation. In addition, it should be noted that the above-mentioned changes outside the religious sphere remain unexplained from the traditional point of view.

The lack of research in the initial period of Islam's spread in Kashmir is recognized by a number of modern scholars. They also point to its insufficient reflection in medieval historical documents, as well as the need to study the socio-economic and socio-political causes of Islamization [Pandit]. In my opinion, the first step in studying this problem should be to search for at least partial analogs of the historical and cultural processes discussed above in other regions of South Asia. The only region where the religious situation in modern times is largely similar to that of Kashmir is the extreme north-west of the former British India-Balochistan and the North-Western Border Province. In these areas, which now occupy the western part of Pakistan, the proportion of Muslims in the first half of the 20th century exceeded 90%.6 However, there religious changes were associated with ethnic and linguistic ones. In the North-Western Border Province (its flat part in ancient times was part of the North Indian region of Gandhara), in the XIV - XV centuries, there was an intensive displacement and assimilation of the local Indo-Aryan population by Pashtun tribes advancing from the south.7 Similar processes seem to have taken place in the province of Balochistan. The Baloch tribes migrated to

5 " ... Hinduism has proved very strong in protecting itself and preserving itself throughout India: it has overcome Buddhism and pushed it beyond the snow line of the Himalayas, coped brilliantly with Islam and easily withstands the onslaught of Christianity..."[Snesarev, 1981, p. 68]. "For a number of reasons, India has not been completely Islamized, as it was previously in some countries of the Middle and Middle East ...a significant role in this was played by the great stability of traditional religious, philosophical and ethical ideas of Hinduism, which were preserved even among Hindus who converted to Islam" [History of India..., p.371].

6 We do not consider the more recent data to be indicative. As you know, after the partition of British India, there were rapid and radical changes in the religious composition of the population, caused by the mass migration of Muslims to Pakistan and the almost universal migration of Hindus and Sikhs to India. The current religious situation thus reflects recent demographic processes, rather than the cultural and historical changes that have taken place in the region for centuries.

7 Until the 13th and 14th centuries, Pashtuns lived mainly in the Sulaiman Mountains, a mountainous region in the north of what is now Pakistan's Balochistan. In the XIV - XVIII centuries, the Pashtun tribes actively settled within the borders of modern Afghanistan and Pakistan.

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its territory in the Middle Ages from Iran, assimilating a significant part of the local inhabitants 8.

The apparent similarity of the current cultural and religious situation in Balochistan and the North-West Frontier Province, on the one hand, and in Kashmir, on the other, raises the question of the possible proximity of factors that have led to these situations. In other words, we see sufficient grounds to assume that the radical cultural changes described above in Kashmir were the result not only and not so much of the actual cultural and historical processes, but also of ethnic and demographic processes, namely, a complete (or, more precisely, almost complete) change in the ethnic composition of the population of the Kashmir Valley in the Middle Ages.9
It is known that the early Muslim period was characterized by the emergence of Kashmir from its former isolation, in particular, by a noticeable activation of its contacts with the territories located to the north and northwest. Among these territories, the Swat region stands out in the foothills of the Hindu Kush (now in the northern part of the North-Western Border Province of Pakistan). According to historians, a native of this area was founded by the first Muslim dynasty of Kashmir, which ruled in the XIV - early XVI century. Kashmir's ties with Swat appear to have been quite strong already in the first half of the 14th century. According to the author of the Persian-language Kashmir chronicle Baharistan-i Shahi, it was in Muslim Swat 10 that the last Hindu ruler of Kashmir, Udyanadeva, hid from the invading Mongols [Baharistan-i-Shahi]. Later, beginning with the conquests of the Kashmiri Sultan Shihab-ud-din (the second half of the 14th century), Kashmir included a significant part of the Eastern Hindu Kush.11 All these circumstances could not but prepare a favorable ground for ethnic migrations. Therefore, to date, we see no reason to rule out radical ethnic changes in the Kashmir Valley.

Testing this hypothesis seems to be a topic of future research, but some facts supporting it are already available to us. These facts are under the jurisdiction of various sciences, which has hitherto prevented their consideration in aggregate and thus, unfortunately, made it difficult to study the ethnic history of Kashmir. Now we will try to demonstrate that there are a number of phenomena between which, up to the most recent time, researchers have not found a connection.-

8 Ethnically and linguistically, the pre-Baluch population was very diverse. In western Balochistan (in the historical region of Makran) it was most likely Iranian-speaking, although not identical to Baloch. In the north (in the Suleiman Mountains), as already mentioned, Pashtuns lived. Central Balochistan was inhabited (and partly still is) by the Dravidian Bragui people. In the eastern regions, however, the Indo-Aryan Sindhi language was probably spoken, as evidenced by the extremely strong influence of the latter on the Eastern Baloch dialects. Thus, for Eastern Balochistan in the Middle Ages, there is reason to assume ethnic processes similar to those in the North-Western Border Province.

9 The ethnic history of Kashmir, both Muslim and pre-Muslim, is extremely poorly understood. This is partly due to the specifics of historical documents (primarily court chronicles). However, even the few indirect evidence contained in them suggests that even in the early Middle Ages, the ethnic composition of the population of the Kashmir Valley was characterized by complexity, which was caused, in particular, by ethnic migrations. For example, a hypothesis was put forward about the presence of a Tibeto - Burmese ethnic element in Kashmir in the X-XII centuries, the appearance of which was caused by immigration from the east (Selivanova, 1985). As will be shown below, a number of facts indirectly indicate the presence of similar processes in many respects at a later time.

10 In the chronicle, this area is called Svadgir.

11 In the Baharistan-i Shahi, among the areas conquered by Shihab-ud-din are the Gilgit, Dardu and Swadgir (Swat) regions located in the Hindu Kush region. Even Badakhshan was included in the zone of political influence of Kashmir during this period.

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If we did not find any connection, in reality it may have one common cause, namely, the ethnic processes that we assume.

The Middle Ages were an era of great change for Kashmir, not only in culture, but also in the relationship between man and nature. The last centuries of Kashmir's pre-Muslim history, detailed in the Sanskrit-language chronicle Rajatarangini, were characterized by an almost incessant series of bloody internecine wars. It seems quite obvious that perhaps the main reason for these wars is the acute shortage of land resources characteristic of the country, which has already been noted by researchers [Selivanova, 1983, pp. 91-95; Selivanova, 1985]. In other words, civil strife was a kind of regulator. They reduced the demographic pressure on the earth during periods when the population exceeded a certain threshold. In the Kashmir Valley, which is a basin squeezed between the Small and Large Himalayas, land hunger has always been a serious problem, and civil strife has been a cruel but effective solution. The situation, however, changes markedly during the Muslim period. Internal wars in this era become more rare, they cease to be a characteristic feature of the country's history, although certain periods of political instability are still noted. Kashmiris seem to have found some other way to overcome the demographic crisis.

This fact can hardly be explained only by a change of religion. Killing a fellow believer is indeed considered a grave sin for a Muslim, but despite this, civil wars were by no means uncommon in the Muslim world. Can't a change in the methods of solving environmental problems be associated with a change not only in the faith, but also in the ethnic composition of the population? Research in the field of socio-natural history has shown that the relationship between an ethnic group and the surrounding landscape is inextricably linked to the ethnic collective unconscious (mentality)12. Therefore, it may seem logical to assume that the mentality of Kashmiris changed rapidly and dramatically in the Middle Ages. However, according to SEI, the mentality of an ethnic group (and superethnos) is extremely conservative, and its complete change is almost impossible. Another hypothesis is much more plausible: a migrant ethnic group settled in Kashmir could have brought with it not only a new religion (Islam), but also its own original experience of interacting with the environment.

Linguistics also provides us with indirect evidence for a change in the ethnic composition of the population in medieval Kashmir. The Kashmiri language (Kashmiri) belongs to the Dardian branch of the Aryan (Indo-Iranian) group of the Indo-European language family. Its closest relatives are the languages spoken in the mountainous regions north and northwest of Kashmir.13 At the same time, however, his dictionary contains many borrowings from a certain language of the Indo-Aryan group, close to the languages of Northern Punjab and Western Himalayas, adjacent to Kashmir from the south and southeast. This fact, which has long been noted by researchers, is nevertheless difficult to explain. No Indo-Aryan language is currently spoken in the Kashmir Valley. The Small Himalayan Range, which borders this valley from the south, was most often not only a physical and geographical boundary, but also a political one. Kashmir's cross-border contacts with its southern neighbors, although they existed for centuries, were still quite limited-

12 The main provisions of SEI are described, for example, in [Kulpin, 1996; Kulpin, 1999].

13 For a general overview of the languages of the Dardian group, see [Grünberg and Edelman, 1999; Edelman, 1983], various points of view on their position within the Indo-Iranian language community, see [Grierson 1919, Morgensierne, 1926], and the results of recent research on this problem, see [Kogan, 2005].

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In any case, their presence, undoubtedly, cannot serve as a satisfactory explanation for the existence of a huge layer of Indo-Aryan loanwords in the Kashmiri language, some of which are found even in the basic vocabulary.14 The only consistent explanation is the assumption that one of the Indo-Aryan languages was once spoken in Kashmir itself, which was later replaced by the language introduced by immigrants.

Speaking of Indo-Aryan borrowings in Kashmiri, one cannot but pay attention to one interesting fact. Indo-Aryan in origin is a significant part of the economic terminology, in particular some basic rice-growing terms. Thus, the designations of uncollected rice growing in the field (dani)and boiled rice (bat*) reveal numerous etymological parallels in the Indian languages, while almost no connections are found in the Dardic 15. It is known that rice farming has always been a key branch of Kashmir's agriculture. Researchers point to the antiquity of the rice culture in the valley (Pulyarkin, 1956; Pulyarkin, 1967) .16 All this makes it extremely unlikely that the indigenous population, which is often considered modern Kashmiris, will adopt rice designations.

Language data correlates with historical data in a very interesting way. As already mentioned, the first dynasty of Muslim rulers of Kashmir was founded by a migrant from Swat. Today, this area is inhabited mainly by Pashtuns, but up to the XVI century. its population spoke the languages of the Dardian group (most likely several of them). One of these languages was probably native to the first Sultan of Kashmir. Residents of the most remote areas of Swat (along the upper course of the river of the same name) are still Dardic-speaking today. Their languages show a special affinity with the Kashmiri language.17
The hypothesis of a change in the ethnic composition of the Kashmiri population sheds light on some unsatisfactory facts of physical anthropology. It is known that the racial type of modern Kashmiris is markedly different from that of the inhabitants of Ancient Kashmir. Attempts have already been made to explain this fact by the massive influx of immigrants to the Kashmir Valley in the Middle Ages (Pulyarkin, 1956). Immigration from Central Asia, Iran, and present-day Afghanistan is sometimes assumed [Guseva, 1988, p. 208], which seems unlikely to us. Of course, under the conditions of extremely intensive trade and cultural contacts between these regions and Muslim Kashmir, certain migrations were possible, but they could hardly take on a mass character: the considerable geographical remoteness of the valley and its inaccessibility were a serious obstacle to mass migrations. Immigration from Kashmir's neighboring mountainous regions to the north is much more likely. It is noteworthy that the racial type inherent in the majority of Kashmiris (tall stature, strong build, fair skin, sometimes gray eyes), so unusual for

14 It should also be borne in mind that the Indo-Aryan languages of Northern Punjab and the Western Himalayas are not written and have always been exclusively spoken languages. This does not allow us to explain the influx of a significant number of Indian elements to Kashmiri by the high prestige of the source languages of borrowing.

15 The second of the words listed here (bati) has correspondences in several languages of the Dardian group. However, it is known that all these languages, like Kashmiri, were subject to a rather strong Indo-Aryan influence. Rice farming is not practiced in the areas of their distribution, which makes it very likely that the names of rice are borrowed from an Indian source.

16 In the Kashmir Valley, 412 varieties of rice are cultivated, 277 of which are domestic.

17 However, the extent of this proximity remains to be determined. This will be possible only when sufficient material is available for the languages of Gorny Svat and neighboring regions. This, in turn, requires long-term and intensive field research in the region.

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It is found almost all over the Pamir-Hindu Kush region, including the Swat Valley. The anthropological differences among Kashmiris themselves also find an acceptable explanation within the framework of our hypothesis. Hindu Kashmiris [18] are distinguished from Muslim Kashmiris by their shorter stature and darker skin color, and may be direct descendants of the pre-Muslim population of the Kashmir Valley, who preserved the religion of their ancestors during the Muslim rule era and therefore avoided assimilation by Dard aliens, although they adopted the language of the latter [19]. It is no coincidence that Kashmiri pundits show a certain racial similarity with the Indo-Aryan population of the Western Himalayas, living to the southeast of Kashmir.20 It should be noted, however, that all the statements made here are preliminary and need to be thoroughly checked.

The groundwork for mass immigration from the north appears to have been set by demographic changes in Kashmir on the eve of the arrival of Islam. The long, incessant civil wars were supposed to lead not only to the military weakening of the country, but also to a reduction in the population. It should be borne in mind that the demographic consequences of civil strife could not be the same for different parts of Kashmir. It is known that the Kashmir Valley is characterized by uneven settlement. The Jhelum River floodplain is most densely populated. This is a traditional area of aspic rice farming. Economically, it is the most developed, but the area is relatively small. On the vast plateaus 21 surrounding the floodplain, as well as on the slopes of the Lesser and Greater Himalayas, population density is noticeably decreasing. Since rice-growing areas were also the most developed and apparently densely populated in pre-Muslim Kashmir, it can be assumed that the most noticeable decline in the number of inhabitants was most likely in the mountains and Kareva. The result of internecine wars for these sparsely populated areas was almost complete desolation, and some parts of them could simply be depopulated.

The devastated country could not but become a "tasty morsel" for its northern neighbors. In the narrow mountain valleys of the Eastern Hindu Kush and Karakoram, located to the north and north-east of Kashmir, overpopulation and land hunger were periodically the most acute problems. As early as the 19th century, this resulted in frequent land disputes between neighboring communities, and in some cases, such phenomena as robbery and the slave trade (Pulyarkin, 1956). The situation was similar in the Swat River Valley. Here, the shortage of land often forced farmers to plow even ancestral cemeteries, which, according to Muslims, was blasphemy [Romodin, 1959, pp. 110-115]. To date, it remains unclear whether the demographic and land crisis was characteristic of the Hindu Kush regions in the era of interest (XIII-XIV centuries). Future research in the field of socio-natural history should find out. However, you can try to describe the consequences of a hypothetical crisis situation

18 They form a small community, comprising no more than 5% of the valley's population, and are called Kashmir Pandits.

19 There are many examples of this kind in various regions of the world. It is enough to mention, for example, the Jews of the Diaspora era, the Arabic-speaking Copts of Egypt, or the Anatolian Greeks who used Turkish in everyday life. In India, a similar example is the Parsis-descendants of immigrants from Iran, who preserved the Zoroastrian religion, but now speak the Indian language Gujarati.

20 The anthropological type characteristic of Kashmiri pandits is also found in Muslims. In the latter, however, it is not predominant.

21 In the geographical literature, the name Kareva is accepted for them. Rice farming is not practiced on Kareva. The main agricultural crop currently is corn. For more information on economic differences and features of population distribution in the Kashmir Valley, see [Pulyarkin, 1956; Pulyarkin, 1967].

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right now. The vast and sparsely populated Kashmir Valley should have been no less attractive to the inhabitants of the cramped, overpopulated gorges of the Hindu Kush than, for example, for the Russian peasants of the sixteenth century. lands of the newly united Kazan Khanate (Kulpin, 1998). Emigration from the Hindu Kush region to Kashmir, facilitated by the political factors already mentioned, could take the form of mass flight in such a situation, which could not but lead to very significant and at the same time rapid changes in the ethnic composition of the population of the Kashmir Valley.

In conclusion, it should be noted once again that the main purpose of this article is only to state the problem. From all that has been said above, a seemingly paradoxical conclusion follows. Although the problem of cultural change in medieval Kashmir that interests us is considered by many as a cultural and historical one, cultural history, as well as social history, cannot (or, in any case, has not yet been able to) offer a satisfactory solution for it. The search for such a solution is possible only with close cooperation of specialists representing different sciences. In addition to political history (the most accurate reconstruction of political events in Kashmir in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries is highly desirable), physical anthropology and comparative historical linguistics occupy a very important place among these sciences. The use of archaeological data can also help clarify a lot. However, socio-natural history should have the final say. To date, we see three major areas of socio-natural research in Kashmir (as well as a number of adjacent regions), the results of which may be decisive in solving the problem posed: 1) study of demographic processes in Kashmir of the late pre-Islamic period and the degree of influence of political (internecine wars) and natural factors on these processes; 2) study of climate changes in the Pamir-Hindu Kush region in the XII-XIV centuries and the impact of these changes on the economy and demography; 3) study in a comparative aspect of the interaction of man and nature in pre-Muslim and Muslim Kashmir.

However, even if our hypothesis is confirmed, it will not mean solving all the main problems of the socio-natural history of Kashmir. At the beginning of my work, I pointed out that the most difficult and at the same time the most pressing issue at present is the question of the super-ethnic identity of Kashmiris. The established fact of a change in the ethnic composition of the population of the Kashmir Valley will not answer this question by itself. Rather, it will make it possible to more accurately state the problem. One of the main tasks in this case will be to study the SEI of the Pamir-Hindu Kush ethno-cultural region. Research in this area is a prerequisite for identifying the basic value system of the modern Kashmiri people.

list of literature

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Gruenberg A. L., Edelman D. I. Dard and Nuristan languages / / Languages of the World, Moscow: Indrik Publishing House, 1999.

History of India in the Middle Ages, Moscow: Nauka, Main Editorial Office of Eastern Literature, 1968.

The Book of Marco Polo, Moscow: Geografiz Publ., 1955.

Kogan A. I. Dard languages: genetic characteristics, Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura, 2005.
Kulpin E. S. Bifurcation of the West-East, Moscow: Moskovskiy Lyceum Publ., 1996.
Kulpin E. S. Zolotaya Horda [The Golden Horde], Moscow: Moskovsky Lyceum Publ., 1998.

Kulpin E. S. Vostok (Chelovek i priroda na Dalnem Vostoke) [The East (Man and Nature in the Far East)]. Moscow: Moskovskiy Lyceum Publ., 1999.

Pulyarkin V. A. Kashmir, Moscow: Geografiz Publ., 1956.

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Pulyarkin V. A. Prirodnye usloviya i sel'skoe khozyaistvo Kashmirskoy doliny [Natural conditions and agriculture of the Kashmir Valley]. Issue V. India - strana i narod [India-Country and People], Moscow: Nauka, Main Editorial Office of Eastern Literature, 1967.

Romodin V. A. Dir and Swat / / Countries and peoples of the East. Issue I. Geografiya, etnografiya, istoriya [Geography, Ethnography, History], Moscow: Publishing House of Oriental Literature, 1959.

Selivanova T. P. Zemlevladeniya khramov i brakhmanov v Kashmir po dannym "Rajatarangini" Kalkhana (XII V.) [Land ownership of temples and Brahmins in Kashmir according to the data of "Rajatarangini" Kalkhana (XII v.)]. XVII annual scientific session of the Leningrad Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences (reports and Reports), January 1982, part 1. Moscow: Nauka, Main Editorial Office of Eastern Literature, 1983.

Selivanova T. P. Socio-economic structure of medieval Kashmir (according to "Rajatarangini"). Avtoref. kand. dis. L., 1985.

Snesarev A. E. Etnograficheskaya Indiya [Ethnographic India], Moscow: Nauka, Main Editorial Office of Eastern Literature, 1981.

Baharistan-i-Shahi. A Chronicle of Mediaeval Kashmir translated by K. N. Pandit. http://www.kashmir-information.com / Baharistan/

Bamzai P. N. K. A History of Kashmir, Political, Social, Cultural from the Earliest Times to the Present Day. New Delhi: Metropolitan Book Co. (Pvt.) Ltd., 1973.

Census of India 1941. Vol. 1. India. P. 1. Tabl. by M. W. M. Yeats. Delhi, 1943.

Edelman D. I. The Dardic and Nuristani Languages, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1983.

Grierson G. A. Linguistic Survey of India. Vol. VIII, pt. 2. Specimens of the Dardic or Pisaca Languages (including Kashmiri). Calcutta, 1919.

Morgenstierne G. Report on a Linguistic Mission to Afghanistan. Oslo: Aschenoug & Co., 1926.

Pandit K. N. Introduction // Baharistan-i-Shahi. A Chronicle of Mediaeval Kashmir transl. by K. N. Pandit. http://www.kashmir-information.com/Baharistan/introduction.html

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