Libmonster ID: IN-1249
Author(s) of the publication: E. S. YURLOVA


Doctor of Historical Sciences Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences

India Keywords:status of womencastefamilygender asymmetry, female infanticide

The Indian experience shows that, despite 65 years of independent development of the country and the adoption of a number of laws aimed at the emancipation of women, in reality, women are still one of the most vulnerable parts of society. * Traditional perceptions of women's roles and roles in the family, caste, and community contribute to perpetuating gender inequality. Recently, the struggle between the democratic public and traditionalists on the issue of the status of women has sharply escalated.

This was particularly evident in the brutal gang rape of a 23-year-old student on December 16, 2012 in Delhi, which resulted in her death. Her name was not made public, so as not to cause moral damage to the family. In fact, for the first time in the country's history, this case has stirred up the entire Indian public-women and men. Mass protests against violence against women were held in Delhi and other cities. The Parliament held hearings on this issue. The Government has set up a commission of prominent lawyers to draft amendments to the law on crimes against women. Special courts have also been established to speed up cases of violence against them. Indian Prime Minister M. Singh has stated that the issue of women's safety is "the Government's biggest priority issue" .1

Despite widespread protests and legal proceedings in this case, violence against women has not stopped. Just in the same days, many cases of such violence were reported in different regions of the country - Tamilnadu, Karnataka, Kashmir and Delhi. 2 On January 11, 2013, a 29-year-old married woman was gang-raped in Gurdaspur, Punjab.3

All these developments show that violence against women is a long-standing problem of the whole society. It has its roots in the belittled, dependent position of women in many areas of life, especially in family and marriage relations.


The process of socio-economic and cultural emancipation of women in independent India began with the adoption of the Constitution, which came into force on January 26, 1950. It proclaimed the equality of all citizens before the law, regardless of gender, caste, or religious affiliation. Along with men, women were granted the political right to vote and be elected to the country's legislative bodies. They were granted the same rights as men to freedom of speech and expression; freedom of assembly; freedom to form associations and unions; freedom of movement; freedom to live anywhere in India; freedom to engage in any profession or occupation, trade or business. Women's fundamental rights also included guarantees of life and personal freedom, equality before the law and equal protection under the law4.

The Constitution abolished discrimination based on untouchability (Article 17). However, it does not mention the abolition of the caste system, which is still, according to most researchers, a brake on women's equality. It is no coincidence that the Indian government conducted the first caste census since colonial times in 2011 to identify the true caste population.

* The concept of "gender" (originally a grammatical gender) in scientific usage includes a whole set of characteristics that determine the social behavior of women and men in relationships with each other. "Gender" refers not just to women or men, but to their interaction, to the way in which these relationships are socially constructed. The term "gender" is used to describe social processes, while the term "sex" describes biological differences between men and women (USA and Canada. Economics, politics, and culture. 2001, N3) (author's note).

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the state of affairs in this matter. The results of this census have not yet been made public.

Over the years of India's independent development, there has been a marked liberation of women from the traditional bonds of subordination. Many of them have received good education, jobs, including in government agencies and the corporate sector, become involved in women's organizations and become more active in protecting their rights.

However, this has not yet affected a huge part of women, especially those from poor backgrounds. Perceptions of the role and function of women in the family, caste, and community are changing very slowly, especially among rural residents, who make up more than two-thirds of the country's population. The dependent and subordinate position of women continues to be largely a fact of real life. The range of responsibilities and concerns of most women is still largely limited mainly to the family and household. They were never able to escape from the captivity of stagnant traditions. Ultimately, this is reflected in the preservation of norms, rules and customs rooted in the distant past, as well as the traditional mentality of women and, especially, men, which has been cultivated by traditional Indian society for centuries.

In the vast majority of illiterate and unenlightened families, caste and religious restrictions are still very strong and serve as a psychological barrier to the emancipation of women and their involvement in economic and social life.

Women continue to be one of the most vulnerable parts of society. This essentially applies to representatives of all religions-Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Sikhism and other faiths. This article mainly examines the situation of Hindus in the community, which accounts for more than 80% of the country's population. However, it should be borne in mind that for many centuries the Hindu community has had a great influence on other communities, which has also affected the situation of women in them.

At the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries, the question arose in India about women's more complete use of legally obtained rights on an equal basis with men. The World Bank has defined this by the term empowerment, i.e. "giving freedom of choice and action", which means empowering and controlling resources and decision-making that affect women's lives.5 This requires greater participation of women in economic and social life as the main condition for their emancipation and overcoming the tendency to reduce the proportion of women in the population of India, which leads to harmful consequences in society as a whole.

Today, the Indian public is focused on overcoming the most common evils affecting not only the well-being, but also the lives of women. This is the destruction of the female embryo, female infanticide (killing of a newborn girl)," honor killing " * and increased in the number of women who are still pregnant.-

* For more information, see: Yurlova E. S. Caste violence against women // Asia and Africa today, 2011, N6; Suvorova A. A. Murder in defense of honor as a social phenomenon and modern barbarism / / Asia and Africa today, 2010, N 6 (editor's note).

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recent violence against women, as mentioned above. Such cases are reported daily by the mass media. In 2012, only one State of Haryana recorded 19 rapes of women in one month (note that in most cases, rapes are not recorded). Women's organizations and political parties express their concern about violence against women. "I strongly condemn such incidents. The perpetrators should be punished in the strictest possible way, " Indian National Congress President Sonia Gandhi6 said at the time. Prakash Karat, leader of the CPI(m), explained the current situation by saying that traditional caste panchayats promote backward medieval values, as well as by promoting market values that turn women into commodities in the current consumer culture.7 In turn, the Government of Haryana stated that the increase in crimes against women is largely due to the disturbed sex ratio in the state, in which there are only 877 women per 1 thousand men.8

In a deeply echeloned patriarchal society, where religion and the caste system preserved the dependent status of women in the family and society, the lack of women creates new social conflicts, despite the fact that the constitution and laws of the country protected women's equal rights. The implementation of these rights in everyday practice has come into conflict with the centuries-old tradition of women's subordinate status. This has led to an increase in violence against women, including under the slogan of protecting the honor of the family*. However, a distinctive feature of the new state of gender relations is that the previous so-called domestic conflicts have become the subject of widespread public discussion and condemnation of violence against women.


In present-day India, one of the most striking indicators of the unequal status of women is the prevailing gender ratio in the country. According to the 2011 Census of India, there were 37.2 million fewer women than men (586.5 million and 623.7 million, respectively) .9

In most countries of the world, there is a relative numerical balance of the sexes. Among them: Indonesia, Israel, South Korea and others. In China, there are more men than women (1060 men per 1 thousand people). women). In some countries, women outnumber men. For example, in the United Kingdom, the United States, France, and Japan, there are between 950 and 980 men per 1,000 women. But the "champions" in this indicator in 2011 were Russia and Ukraine, where there are only 850 men per 1 thousand women, as well as Estonia (840 men). In absolute terms, there are 11.5 million more women than men in Russia, with all the resulting socio-economic, demographic and cultural consequences. There is no such gender gap in favor of women in any major country10. Everywhere in the world, more boys are born than girls. But over the course of life, the proportion of men who have a higher mortality rate decreases as they enter older age groups. In Western Europe and the United States, the predominance of women over men occurs precisely in this regard. In Russia, such consequences were brought by the tragedies of the first half of the XX century - the Civil War, repression, and especially human losses during the Great Patriotic War.

India occupies a unique place in the world among large states in terms of sex ratio. And only in China, as a result of the state policy of having only one child in a family in recent decades, the percentage of women has significantly decreased.

* Formal statistics do not support this conclusion: India is not among the top 50 countries in terms of the percentage of rapes. This appears to be due to their silencing by both victims and the police. On the 1st place in the world in this category of crimes per 1 thousand people is Lesotho (0.844), on the 2nd-New Zealand (0.315), on the 15th-Germany, on the 22nd-Russia (0.05), on the 45th-Japan (0.014) Egypt is ranked 50th (0.01). In the US, this figure is lower than in the top 50 countries - (editor's note).

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It is natural to ask the question-why and how did this happen in India, where millions of women "disappeared"?

It is not by chance that the concept of "missing women" has appeared in scientific usage. As noted in a study conducted by UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), "South Asia is the only region that violates the global biological norm, with 94 women for every 100 men, which means 74 million "just missing" or "missing women". In India alone, according to UNICEF, this figure is equal to "20-50 million girls 'missing' since 1901. " 11 Since the beginning of the twentieth century, the ratio of men and women in the population of India has constantly changed not in favor of the latter. So, according to the census of 1901, this figure was 972 women per 1 thousand men, and in 2011-940 women.

Across the states, the sex ratio picture was very uneven in 2011. The only state where the number of women exceeded the number of men was Kerala (1084 women per 1 thousand men). This can be explained by the preservation of the remnants of the matriarchal culture.

In three other southern states, there was a relative balance between the sexes. These are Tamilnadu (995 women per 1,000 men), Andhra Pradesh (992) and Karnataka (968), respectively.

Of all the other major states, Jammu and Kashmir (883 women per 1,000 men), Punjab (893), Uttar Pradesh (908), Bihar (916), Gujarat (918), Maharashtra (925) and Rajasthan (926)had the worst sex ratio, except for the already mentioned Hariana. It is characteristic that this group included both relatively developed and rich states (Haryana, Punjab, Maharashtra) and the most backward and poor (Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Rajasthan).

An even more dramatic picture is observed in the group of children under six years of age. Only in the ten years from 2001 to 2011 in the whole country in this group there was a decrease in the sex ratio not in favor of girls (from 927 to 914 per 1 thousand boys). According to the "Children of India 2012-Statistical Estimates" study conducted by the Central Statistical Organization, over the 10-year period under review, the decline in the number of girls under 6 years of age in rural areas was three times greater than in urban areas.13

Of the 28 states, only six have seen an increase in the number of girls relative to the number of boys. In all other cases, this ratio did not change in favor of girls. The proportion of girls of this age has declined particularly significantly in Uttar Pradesh (from 916 to 899 per 1,000 boys), Rajasthan (from 909 to 883) and Madhya Pradesh (from 932 to 912).14

The relatively rich state of Maharashtra is also included in this list: in 2001, there were 913 girls per 1,000 boys under the age of six, and in 2011 this ratio was 883 girls per 1,000 boys. In just 10 years, the number of girls has radically decreased, which has led to a violation of the natural balance in the sex ratio of 15.

What is the reason for this?

During the colonial period, despite the Prohibition of Female Infanticide in 1870, the practice of killing a newborn girl was quite widespread in Punjab, Gujarat, Rajasthan, and what is now Uttar Pradesh16. Under the pressure of economic circumstances and social conditions, it continued in independent India and has survived to this day.

In this connection, we recall the story of Bengalka, a minister in the state of West Bengal, and later the General Secretary of the Indian National Congress. She was an active supporter of the emancipation of women, took an active part in

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easing the fate of ordinary Indian women.

In 1974, in Delhi, when the author of this article asked what the practice of killing a newborn girl looked like, she told her own story. According to her mother, after she was born, the midwife took her outside and shouted several times: "Who needs a bride, or I'll throw her out?" After receiving no response from her fellow villagers, she poured water into the basin, added a few drops of milk, and was about to dip the newborn's head into it, saying, " Drink milk! Drink milk!", as the weak voice of the woman in labor rang out: "Don't, let him live!" But the midwife did not give up: "She is so black, ugly, where will you find her a groom?" But her mother still had the last word. So my friend's life was saved. She knew firsthand that this custom was not a thing of the past.

Getting rid of a newborn girl has always been seen as an exemption from the need to pay the dowry due to a given caste. In the case of marrying a daughter with a smaller dowry, and therefore to a lower group of families within their own caste, the prestige of the parents and all the families of their group was invariably reduced. Therefore, infanticide was not condemned, but on the contrary, was considered correct, because the social prestige of the family, group of families and caste did not suffer, and in general everything remained the same. The caste strictly observed the observance of traditional norms and punished those who violated them.


Since the early 1960s, voluntary sterilization of women has been actively promoted in India. And during the state of emergency (1975-1977), the practice of forced sterilization was widely introduced, affecting mainly men.17 Teachers were brought in to promote sterilization in the states, many of them married women and even widows. They had trouble persuading men to agree to the operation, known as vasectomy, and they were forced to do so. Some states delayed paying teachers ' salaries if they failed to meet their designated sterilized child quota.

After the state of emergency was lifted, there was almost no voluntary sterilization of men.19 Of the 2 million men and women sterilized in 2010 - 2011, the former accounted for only 4.2%. On average, there were 315 cases of sterilization per 10,000 married couples in the country, mainly for women. As for the men, according to Baljit Kaur, an experienced Punjabi doctor who sterilized a large number of men, they were afraid of "losing their strength as a result of this operation."20

As further practice showed, the main responsibility for limiting the birth rate still lay with the woman. With the passage of the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, which effectively legalized abortion, it became one of the main means of birth control.

By the early 1980s, a new technology had emerged-amniocentesis, which could be used in utero to diagnose the sex of the fetus in the early stages of pregnancy. The availability of modern medical technologies to determine the sex of the embryo has led to the spread of abortions to get rid of female embryos. Studies have shown that 98% of abortions were performed after tests that revealed exactly the female sex of the embryo.

In 1994, India passed a law on regulating and preventing abuse of prenatal diagnostic equipment. It was a test for early determination of the sex of the intrauterine fetus, which was used by many families who wanted to prevent the birth of a girl. This law was amended in 2003. It took into account new technological developments in this area, eliminated loopholes in the first law and toughened penalties for its violation. In addition, since 2004, the Indian Government has financially encouraged the birth of girls. A Bollywood film studio even released a film that was accompanied by a song praising the birth of a daughter.

Despite all these measures, it was not possible to stop the process of getting rid of female embryos 21Mobile devices for conducting such tests reached the most remote corners of the country and engaged in unauthorized ultrasound testing to determine the sex of the embryo. Moreover, there was a hidden and open advertisement calling on citizens to " pay 500 rupees for the test now, rather than 10 thousand rupees in 20 years (for the dowry of their daughter - E. Y.)"22. In Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh), a bright poster with the words "Freedom for the future" hung on the door of one of the clinics. 250 rupees!" There were a huge number of such prenatal sex determination clinics in this state. Protected by the local mafia, these clinics offered parents to get rid of the female fetus until the fifth month of pregnancy. The price increased as the term increased - in the first month of pregnancy, the cost of an abortion was 250 rupees, in the fifth-950 rupees.23

In 2006, the British Bank-

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The Qing journal reported that up to 500,000 such surgeries are performed annually in India, resulting in 10% fewer girls being born over the past two decades. The Indian press reported that about 100,000 female fetuses were aborted annually in Uttar Pradesh.24 The Indian government has stated that over a decade (2001 - 2011), abortions to eliminate female fetuses resulted in the loss of three million 25 girls.

Many Indian researchers have expressed concern that in the northern and northwestern states, the husband and his parents often insisted on determining the sex of the child in the early stages of pregnancy and on aborting the female embryo. 26 It was in these places that the bride was blessed with the words: "Become the mother of a hundred sons!". There is also a saying that still lives, the meaning of which is as follows: "The one who loses a son is a fool; the one who loses a daughter is happy." There are different regional versions of this saying, but the essence of it does not change. Some women say that "it is better to die or be killed in the womb than to be burned in the mother-in-law's house for a dowry."27

In ancient times, according to the" Laws of Manu " (II century BC - II century), a husband could drive his wife away if she gave birth only to girls. Even today, a woman who has only one daughter can be subjected to various types of bullying: social boycotts, expulsion from home, threats to take another wife or divorce. Such a woman is often beaten and even killed. Women are often forced to have abortions even by their parents and members of her caste. 28 Social anthropologist Lila Dube has described this as a new form of violence and control over women that asserts patriarchal privilege. 29

If earlier the family actually disposed of the daughter as property, kept her under their vigilant control until she was married by agreement, then with the advent of amniocentesis, the husband's family decided for her the issue of giving birth only to boys and by any means sought a test to determine the sex of the embryo, and in case of detection of a female embryo - mandatory abortion. If in the past the killing of a newborn girl left a sense of guilt among those who were involved in it, then in the context of the use of new technologies, this feeling, if not disappeared, was blunted and even replaced by some relief among the woman's relatives.30

Among Indian scientists, there is an opinion that the spread of such a norm as a small family can lead to a further reduction in childbearing, especially for girls. In India, until the end of the twentieth century, a proposal was being discussed to introduce a two-child rate for families in order to limit the country's population growth. The penalties for exceeding this norm were the following: refusal to receive ration cards, to enroll a third child in a public school, exclusion of registered castes and tribes from aid programs, exclusion from government employment, denial of the right to work in an elected position, etc. Although the center did not adopt such a program, states such as Haryana, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh began to force different restrictions on families with more than two childrenIn Gujarat, Orissa, Maharashtra and Rajasthan, regulations adopted by some panchayats and municipalities introduced a two-child rule and essentially legalized the traditional preference for a son.32

The Indian Medical Association, the National Commission for Women and UNICEF convened a National Convention of Religious Leaders in New Delhi in September 2001, where it was decided to aggressively combat the practice of female embryo destruction. According to the organizers of the event, their main goal was to attract religious leaders with influence in their communities to their side.33

At the same time, steps were taken to clarify the reasons for the increased negative attitude towards the birth of girls. Some Indian scientists believe that the economic situation is one of the most significant factors that led to a deterioration in the sex ratio. At the heart of this was the problem of property, which previously could only be claimed by men. Now landowning families are afraid of having to give their daughter a portion of the land that is now legally allotted to her as an inheritance. Sociologist Sharada Srinivasan concluded that all castes prefer to avoid giving birth to girls. In Tamilnadu, for example, the practice of getting rid of girls has spread among well-to-do landowning families, who have developed strong ties with the city as the economy progresses. As a result, their attitude to family values began to change. Some landowners in Punjab seek to limit their offspring to one son, so that they do not divide the property later. Thus, property is one of the main reasons for getting rid of girls, at least among the propertied groups.34

To these considerations, it should be added that the first-

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the rite of mass disposal of girls was the spread of the custom of dowry, which poor families are not able to master. In the country, more than 450 million people live below the poverty line, i.e. they have an income of less than $1.25 per day35. For such people, the daughter is a huge burden, while the son is an additional working hand and a hope to escape from the endless cycle of poverty.

Economist Surjit Bhalla and sociologist Ravinder Kaur believe that families from the emerging middle class also have a clear preference for the son. They use their son as a social elevator for the family. However, the mature middle class no longer needs it. Women's education, the spread of modern ideas, the state's policy of promoting women in society, and, finally, the understanding that a daughter will take care of her parents more than a son in her old age - all this leads to the abandonment of the practice of preferring a son. As the prosperity of the people increases and the middle class matures, society's attitude towards the daughter may change radically.36

However, the main question is when this will happen. Given the general socio-economic situation in India, it is likely that this will not be possible in the near future. In those areas where the practice of abandoning daughters is widespread, it began in the city, and then in the countryside. This was caused by major changes in the agricultural sector, especially among farmers who became rich from grain production during the "green" revolution. Getting rid of female embryos in the most affluent families gradually spread to lower social strata. This practice began to reach families from all religions. Its geography also began to expand. Even states such as Assam and Manipur, and matrilineal groups such as the Nairs in Kerala, where this phenomenon was almost completely absent, also began to get rid of female fetuses.37


Hinduism defines the purpose of a woman, her place in the family, caste and community. The detailed mechanism of subordination of women to men was gradually created as the caste system developed. Women were assigned the lowest place in the social hierarchy. Moreover, the higher the caste was in terms of ritual status, the more restrictions women were subject to, and the more clearly gender inequality - "gender asymmetry" - was manifested in it.

The position of women worsened as the patriarchal caste system was established. The more strictly her behavior was controlled, the more her rights were restricted; the more she was enslaved by a man, becoming a slave to his desires, a "simple instrument of procreation" and a recluse, the more ritual purity (and prestige) the family and caste acquired.

The Hindu code of conduct for women from the higher Varnas later became the standard that castes of lower ritual status tried to follow. Anthropologist Iravati Karve believed that understanding any cultural phenomenon in India requires knowledge of at least three factors. These are the configuration of linguistic regions, the institution of caste, and the family organization. Each of them is directly related to the other two, and all of them, taken together, give meaning and are the basis of all other aspects of Indian culture. A caste is an endogamous group living in the same language region*. Endogamy* * and settlement in a particular locality make members of the caste related by blood or through marital ties. Therefore, the caste can be called an extended kinship group38.

The main thing in the caste system is the separation or separation of a caste from other castes by means of rules that determine the marriage and contacts of this caste with other castes and social groups. This is what preserves and maintains the identity of any caste, the hierarchy, order and rank of castes, according to their status, and the interdependence of castes, taking into account the division of labor.39

The principles underlying caste determined the specific nature of gender asymmetry in Hindu society. The boundaries of caste and the hierarchy of castes were delineated through the relationship of the sexes. At the same time, the high position of the caste was also confirmed by the degree of control of men over women. The castes themselves interacted primarily through clans * * * based on family kinship.

The rules of behavior of castes and their interaction with other status groups based on birth in them are directly related to the family. It is responsible for their compliance or violation. In the latter case, the caste can punish and even boycott the violator's family if the family itself does not correct the situation.

* The four original major estates, later called Varnas (including the Brahmins), began to break up into numerous castes (jatis) in the early Middle Ages (editor's note).

** Endogamy - the "law" that requires members of a caste to marry only members of their own caste.

*** A clan is a permanent group of male relatives descended from a single ancestor, often mythical.

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including with the help of the most severe and even cruel measures.

The caste functions through its constituent family units or larger family-related associations. It is through them that control over material resources, including land, is carried out. This is critical for gender relations, as there is a clear difference in the rights of men and women in families and clans. In this regard, endogamy has the potential to increase the status of the family by establishing an appropriate marital relationship. On the other hand, endogamy can also narrow the marriage choice for the bride's family and put her in a difficult social and financial situation.40 And in this respect, marriage is given extremely high importance in Hindu society. "Where society is held together by other ties," wrote B. R. Ambedkar, 41 " marriage is a common occurrence in life. But where society is divided into groups (i.e. castes. E. Y.), marriage, as a binding force, becomes a matter of urgent necessity " 42.

Caste is critical to the relationship between the sexes. In fact, it is the social and gender components in the caste system that have created intra-caste and extra-caste differences and inequalities, as well as differences in status. At the same time, the very essence of caste in modern India is undergoing changes in caste groups, in their self-assessment, as well as in the assessment of other castes. This is largely due to changes in marital relations 43.

Modern marriages often lead to new controversial, unconventional ideas about rank and equality between caste groups. This is due to the growing differentiation of power, wealth, and status within and between each caste. In turn, this contributes to a re-evaluation of the status of various clans and the destruction of the former internal stable and interconnected structure within caste groups. The answer is often to increase the prohibition of marriage between certain Gotrasand within each caste group.

(The ending follows)

Rajalakshmi T. K. 1 A nation outraged // Frontline. January 12 - 25, 2013.

2 Ibidem.

3 Six arrested for gang raping married woman in Punjab // The Hindu. 13.01.2013.

4 Constitution of India, articles 14, 19.

Narayan-Parker D. 5 Empowerment and Poverty Reduction: A Sourcebook. World Bank. Washington DC, 2002, p. 11.

6 The Hindu. 9.10.2012.

7 Ibid. 18.10.2012.

Perappadan Bindu Shajan. 8 Khap comments irk women activists // The Hindu. October 9, 2012.

9 Provisional Population Tables. Census of India 2011. New Delhi, S. Narayan and Sons. 2011, p. 160.

10 People Statistics > Sex Ratio > Total Population by Country -

Ganguli Shobori. 11 Where have all the girls gone // The Pioneer. 07.08.1998; The War Against Girls//The Wall Street Journal. June 18 - 19,2011.

12 Statement 13. Sex Ratio of Total population. Census 2011. Table 1 -

13 The Hindu. October 9, 2012.

14 Ibid.

15 Ibid.

Dube Leela. 16 Amniocentesis Debate Continued // EPW, 17 September, 1983, p. 1634.


Jayakar Pupul. 18 Indira Gandhi. Penguin Books in India, 1992, p. 230.

19 2005 - 2006 National Family Health Survey (NFHS-3). ICSSR, 2006, p. 6.

Rai Usha. 20 Ararejobfora woman doctor//The Hindu. 16.01.2012.

Rajalakshmi T. K. 21 Off target // Frontline. January 27, 2012, p. 42.

22 Frontline. 09 - 22.06.2001.

Sethi Aman. 23 Faraway Bride // Frontline. Feb. 24 - Mar. 09. 2007.

24 The Telegraph. 13.12.1999; Government turns a blind eye to female feticide // The Hindustan Times. 22.02.2004.

25 PTI. India loses 3 million girls in infanticide // The Hindu. October 9, 2012.

Rajalakshmi T. K. 26 Gender Issues - An Act on Paper // Frontline. 02. -22.06.2001; The Hindu. 09.07.2012.

Sangari Kunkum. 27 Settled Alibis and Emerging Contradictions. Sex Selection, Dowry and Domestic Violence // EPW. August 25, 2012, note 30, p. 43, 47.

Sivaraman M. 28 Female Infanticide - Who Bears the Cross? // The People's Democracy. June 24, 2001; Sangari Kunkum. Op. cit., note 28, p. 43, 47.

Dube Leela. 29 Misadventures in Amniocentesis // EPW. 19 February 1983.

Sangari Kunkum. 30 Op. cit., note 33, p. 40, 43, 47.

Rao Mohan. 31 A voice of sanity // Frontline. September 27, 2002, p. 46, 47; Waldman Amy. States in India Take New Steps to Limit Births // The New York Times. November 7, 2003.

Singh Kirti. 32 Man's world, legally // Frontline. July 28-Aug. 10, 2012.

33 Tehelka. 02.08.2001.

Choudhry Prem. 34 Infliction, Acceptance and Resistance Containing Violence on Women in Rural Haryana // EPW. September 15, 2012, p. 43 - 44; Kumar Meenakshi. Daughters unwanted // The Hindu. January 7, 2012.

AyarShankar. 35 The Other India Story // India Today. 08.09.2008, p. 34, 35; Datt Gaurav, Ravallion Martin. Shining for the Poor Too? // EPW. 13.02.2010, p. 59.

Banyan. 36 The daughter's return // The Economist, 31.12.2011.

Sangari Kunkum. 37 Op. cit., p. 40, 45 - 46, notes 6 - 10.

Karve lrawati. 38 Kinship Organization in India. Bombay, London, New York: (1953) 1968, p. 1.

Dube Leela. 39 Caste and Women // Anupama Rao, ed. Gender and Caste. New Delhi: Kali for Women/Women Unlimited, 2003, p. 223.

40 Ibid., p. 224.

41 B. R. Ambedkar (1890 - 1956) - a native of the Dolitoe family, Minister of Justice of the first government of J. R. R. Tolkien. Nehru, Chairman of the Commission for the Preparation of the Constitution of India (for more information, see: Yurlov F. N., Yurlova E. S. History of India XX century, Moscow, IV RAS, 2010, pp. 297-308).

Ambedkar Dr. Babasaheb. 42 Writing and Speeches. Annihilation of Caste. Vol. I, Bombay: 1979, p. 67.

Dube Leela. 43 Caste and Women // Srinivas M.N., ed. Caste: Its Twentieth Century Avatar. New Delhi: Penguin Books India (P) Ltd., 1997, p. 21.

44 Marriage can only be concluded between members of different gotras - separate family and clan groups. In order to avoid incest, Gotras are exogamous, i.e. marriage within them is unacceptable.


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