Hindutva is a characteristic phenomenon of spiritual and socio-political life in India. Despite all its contradictions, Hindutva remains the antipode of secularism, democracy, and a kind of Hindu religious and communal chauvinism. Having formed ideologically and organizationally in the 20s of the last century as a narrow and limited current of the land-owning and caste elite, it turned into a mass socio-political movement claiming political power in the country. Hindutva's influence among the masses is determined by many factors: the fact that it has deep historical, social and cultural roots; and the fact that it appeals not only to the mind, but also to the feelings of people, has an experienced staff and an extensive organizational infrastructure.

introduction

Hindutva literally means Hinduness (from Hindu-Hindu). This term has many meanings. It is used to characterize a particular ideology (teaching), way of life, organization, social movement, etc.The ultimate goal of Hindutva is to unite the "Hindu nation" (Hindu nation), establish the power of Hindus (Hindu Raja), and build a "Hindu state" (Hindu Rashtra). In this state, there should be no place for "foreign", i.e. non-dharmic, religions-Islam and Christianity first of all. Since the ancestors of most Indian Muslims and Christians were Hindus, all their descendants should be returned to the bosom of Hinduism, and those who persist should be expelled from the country.

Hindutva has many varieties. There is a "learned" hindutva. It deals with abstract concepts such as God, Karma, Nation, Duty, etc. This hindutva is addressed to the intelligentsia, the intellectual elite. There is a practical hindutva-a guide to action for its missionaries, organizers and fighters. There is a political hindutva aimed at gaining state power. There is a soft hindutva that operates within the framework of the constitutional field, and a hard hindutva that violates the framework of law and order. Etc.

Until the late 1980s, Hindutva was not taken seriously by either scientists or politicians, until, in the words of the famous Indian historian K. N. Panikkar, "it turned from a marginal trend into a force that can dictate the program of political and cultural life of the country" (Panikkar, 2004).

Hindutva ideologists claim that it has its roots in the mythical "golden age" of India, is a native Indian product and is based on the original ethical and religious values of Hinduism. But independent researchers attribute its emergence to the first half of the 19th century and associate it with the process of consolidation of Indian elites. They also question the genetic purity of Hindutva, seeing in it the results of the influence of the European Enlightenment, Italian and German fascism, Bolshevism, social democracy and the modern bourgeoisie-

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of radical liberalism [Bhat Chetant, 2001]. Hindutva ideologues refer to their teachings as "Hindu nationalism", "cultural nationalism "or"integral humanism". Indian Maoists see it as a form of class struggle ideology (Thirumaavalavan, 2004). Some experts consider Hindutva to be a manifestation of ethnicism, religious or Hindu fundamentalism (Reddy Deepa, 2006). Hindutva's political opponents describe its ideology as chauvinism, xenophobia and fascism. The attitude of society towards it is also ambiguous. For some, Hindutva is the "hope" of India; for others, it is the "many-headed hydra" that will destroy the country (Chitkara, 2003).

There are many reasons for the contradictory assessments of hindutva. The simplest one is that her inner life is hidden by a veil of secrecy. This obviously makes the idea of it partial, incomplete. Further. The Hindutva ideology is a motley mixture of various propositions and formulas, often mutually exclusive. Any or all of them can be extracted from the "archive" at any time and presented as the essence or face of modern Hindutva.

It is not easy to assess the practical activities of Hindutva. There is no denying that Hindutva organizations make a certain contribution to the development of education, health care, and improving the living conditions of the poor and the poorest segments of society. But at the same time, it advocates the establishment of theocratic orders in the country, encourages medieval customs and prejudices, incites inter-communal discord, and provokes inter-communal conflicts.

Many critics of Hindutva think that it is enough to denounce it by pointing out the inconsistency of its teaching or labeling it as " fascism." But this is far from the case. Hindutva's popularity is well founded. It appeals not only to the mind, but also to the feelings of people.

Hindutva reflects the communal principle of organization of Indian society and the blurring of the line between communality and communalism. Communality is a natural form of identity for India, a familiar basis for self-organization of citizens. It is recognized by law as a means of preserving cultural identity and diversity within a unified India. Theoretically, communality should not oppose one community to another, prevent them from living in peace and harmony. Communalism is a form of xenophobia. It is characterized by intolerance, aggressiveness towards citizens of another community group. In the conditions of overpopulation, mass unemployment and the struggle for survival that are so characteristic of India, communalism often flows into communalism.

Hindutva can also be seen as a manifestation of the growing self-consciousness of the Indians, who created a great civilization in the past and endured centuries of humiliation at the hands of foreign enslavers-the Mughals (Muslims) and the British (Christians). This is also the image of a participant in the liberation struggle against British colonialism. Although Hindutva's practical contribution to the cause of national liberation is small, in words at least, she has always been more uncompromising than the recognized leader of the anti - colonial struggle, the Indian National Congress (INC).

This is also a reaction to the pain caused by the dismemberment of a single country in 1947, and to the suffering that Indians experienced as a result of partition. This is also a surge of patriotism with an anti-Muslim flavor, caused by the movement of Islamic separatists in Kashmir, the tension in Indian-Pakistani relations, and the terrorist activities of radical Islamists who enjoy support from abroad.

This is also the rejection by a significant part of Indian society, which is deeply religious and patriarchal in its core, of Western rationalism and consumerism, as well as the globalization coming from the West, which threatens the material and cultural foundations of the lives of hundreds of millions of people. Hindutva, on the other hand, appeals to traditional moral and ethical values and positions itself as a patriotic, great patriotic organization.-

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a powerful, anti-imperialist force that seeks to build a "Shining India", a powerful state that brings the light of spirituality to all mankind.

Not the least role in the rise of Hindutva is played by ideological flabbiness, opportunism, and the fragmented forces of secularism [Aryaeva, 2007; Needham Anuradha Dingwaney, Rajan Rajeswari Sunder, 2007]. But this is a separate topic. It is not included in the tasks of the proposed article. The purpose of the article is to reveal the significance of Hindutva in the life of modern Indian society and to show its role in the political life of the country.

HISTORY AND IDEOLOGY

The founder of Hindutva is considered to be Vinayaka Damodar Savarkar (1883-1966). But this is only partially true. The modern Hindutva had its predecessors. There were also ideological developments that were included in her teaching. Hindutva would not have been Hindutva without the reform movements of Hindus and Muslims in the nineteenth century, without the theory of "two nations", without the policy of the colonial authorities, who constantly stirred up contradictions between Hindus and Muslims, convincing both that their joint life within a single state is impossible.

The immediate predecessor of the modern Hindutva is the Hindu Maha Sabha (HMS). - The Great Union of Hindus. The Union was organized in 1915 as a counterbalance to the Muslim League (ML). The KHMS, in contrast to the ML, strongly supported the complete liberation of India from the power of the British crown and opposed the dismemberment of India into Hindu and Muslim parts. Many prominent figures of the INC, in particular Pandit Mohan Malawiya (1861-1946) and Lala Lajpat Rai (1865-1946), saw the HMS as an associate in the joint struggle and contributed in every possible way to its organizational and ideological development [Suda Jioti Prasad, 1973, p. 433].

At first, the HMS focused on the social, cultural and religious problems of the community and did not set itself political goals, relying entirely on the INC in this regard. However, since the late 1920s, the views of the KHMS and the Congress on inter-communal relations and the future structure of independent India began to diverge. The ideological split between the KHMS and the Congress ended in 1937, when Vinayak Damodar Savarkar became the head of the Sabha.

Coming from a rich and educated Zamindar family of Chitpavan Brahmins, known for his courage and directness as Vir (Fearless), V. D. Savarkar entered the path of liberation struggle as a student at Ferguson College in Pune. For his involvement in the Swadeshi movements and against the partition of Bengal, he was expelled from college and continued his law studies in England. There, along with other Indian students, V. D. Savarkar organized the Free India Society. Unlike most of the leaders of the INC, V. D. Savarkar believed that India should not seek Swaraj (self-government within the British Empire), but full state independence; and not through compromises with British imperialism, but by methods of armed struggle. He presented his ideas in the book "The Indian War of Independence", which was banned by the British authorities (Savarkar, 1970) .1
In 1909, a friend and associate of Savarkar, M. L. Dhingra, murdered the English parliamentarian Sir Curzon Wyle, for which he was sentenced to death. Savarkar declared M. L. Dhingra a hero. To avoid arrest, he went to France, but on March 13, 1910, he was arrested in Marseille. While being transported to India, he made an unsuccessful escape attempt. The court sentenced him to 50 years in prison. In July 1911, he was placed in solitary confinement in the Andaman Islands, known for its harsh regime and bullying of prisoners.

The massacre of Savarkar caused outrage among the advanced part of Indian society. Mahatma Gandhi, Vithalbhai Patel and Bal Gangadhar Tilak launched the campaign

1 The first edition of this work was published in 1908.

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for his release. But in 1920, Savarkar unexpectedly sent a letter of repentance to the authorities with a request for clemency. In this letter, he acknowledged the justice of the verdict and condemned the violence. Many believed that Savarkar had gone over to the service of the British. But the letter had its effect, and in January 1924 V. D. Savarkar was transferred to Ratnagiri prison and soon released under police surveillance.

After joining the KHMS, he quickly became one of its most respected leaders. Since the Union's influence was small and its positions on specific political issues often diverged from those of Congress, the British did not see it as an immediate threat to their power. All police restrictions on Savarkar were lifted in 1937. In the same year, he was elected president of the KHMS. It was he who convinced his associates of the Congress's betrayal of the Indian cause and decisively severed ties between the HMS and the Inc.

V. D. Savarkar laid out the basics of his teaching in the book " Hindutva: who is a Hindu?", which he wrote in prison (Savarkar, 1969). Savarkar unconditionally accepted the "two-nation theory"as the basis of his constructions. He believed that the nation was already the indigenous people of India-the ancient Aryans. Therefore, the Hindus, the heirs of the Aryans, are a nation originally. V. D. Savarkar declared hindutva, a certain super-quality, a substratum that determines the worldview, culture and lifestyle of Hindus, to be the criterion of the Hindu nation. Religion is also included in this concept. But Hindutva is broader than religion. It applies not only to Hindus, but also to adherents of other dharmic religions - Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists.

V. D. Savarkar was an ardent advocate of removing the differences and barriers that divide the "Hindu nation", especially untouchability. "He is not a God to be defiled," he often said. In 1930, Savarkar organized sahabhojan, a joint meal attended by brahmins, banyas, and untouchables of the Chamars, Mahars, and Bhangs. "I will not oppose marriage between the highest and lowest castes," he said at the dinner, " I will take food with all Hindus, regardless of their caste. I do not recognize caste by birth or profession "[Suda Jioti Prasad, 1973, p. 441].

Love for the motherland, patriotism, is the most important element of Hindutva, an integral part of"Hindu nationalism". For Hindus, the homeland is a synthesis of the fatherland, i.e. the territory of residence, and the holy land where their deities were born and all their shrines are located. Muslims and Christians should not be considered part of the Hindu nation, he said. For them, India is only a fatherland, but not a holy land. Their shrines are located in Arabia and Palestine. But V. D. Savarkar was not a blind xenophobe. His attitude towards Muslims was primarily determined by their place in the liberation struggle. "If you join [the liberation movement], then we are with you. If not, without you. If you resist, it is against you" (Suda Jioti Prasad, 1973, p. 449). He advocated the coexistence of Hindus and Muslims in a single state. In an independent India, he believed, the Muslim minority would have equal civil rights and no privileges. Their role in politics will correspond to their share in the country's population [ibid.].

The idea of caste equality brought Hindutva's position closer to other areas of the liberation movement - the secular one led by Jawaharlal Nehru and the religious and ethical one led by Mahatma Gandhi. But V. D. Savarkar was an ardent opponent of Gandhi's theory of nonviolence. He believed that violence was an acceptable and even legitimate means of fighting for freedom, for the ideals of Hindutva. "We reject the doctrine of absolute nonviolence not because we are less holy, but because we are more sane." VD Savarkar also criticized Nehru and Inc. ' s policy of devolution, which allowed India to be divided along religious lines. He considered this policy a concession to Muslim separatists.

At the legislative elections in the winter of 1945/46, the KHMS campaigned under the slogan "independence and integrity of India", but lost the election. Voters cast their ballots-

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submission to the Congress. He also lost the fight with the Muslim League to preserve the unity of the country. The emergence of Pakistan was a fait accompli. In August 1947, Savarkar called on Hindus to never recognize Pakistan and continue the struggle for a united India-Arkhand Hindustan.

On January 30, 1948, the Hindu fanatic Nathuram Godse, who was close to the HMS, shot Mahatma Gandhi at point-blank range. Public opinion blamed the deaths of M. K. Gandhi and Savarkar. Unable to bear these accusations, he retired from active political activity and lived out his life as a hermit. The KHMS is still alive today, but its role in social and political life is negligible. One of the main reasons for its decline, researchers believe, is organizational amorphousness.

Keshav Rao Khedgevar (1890-1940) was the man who gave Hindutva a clear organizational form. Like V. D. Savarkar, he was born into a Chitpavan Brahmin family in Nagpur. He lost his parents at an early age and was raised in an orthodox Hindu family by his uncle. His mentors were V. D. Savarkar and Balakrishna Shivram Munji. In 1910, B. S. Munji sent K. R. Khedgevar to study in Calcutta (now Kolkata) so that he could learn from the revolutionary underground of West Bengal experience of revolutionary struggle and political terror. After completing his medical degree, K. R. Khedgevar returned to Nagpur. In 1915, he joined both the INC and the HMS, which at that time were still "fraternal" organizations, and completely devoted himself to the struggle against the colonial regime.

The idea of creating a new organization came to him when he was engaged in forming a corps of Korsevats volunteers to serve the Congress session in Nagpur in 1920. K. R. Khedgevar became convinced that without prior training and proper discipline, the work of the corps, like any other organization, is ineffective. K. R. Khedgevar left the Congress and focused on organizational work in Nagpur. Hindu maha sabha. After consulting with Savarkar in 1925, he formed the Rashtriya Swayaksevak Sangh (Union of Ministers of the Country, hereinafter referred to as the RCC), which was destined to become the head of the entire Hindutva movement.

The birth of the RSS was quiet, homelike. There was no constituent congress, newspaper publications, interviews, etc. His inner life was hidden from the public from the very beginning. Although K. R. Khedgevar continued to maintain ties with V. D. Savarkar and even served as a vice-president of the HMS when Savarkar was president, relations between the HMS and the RCC did not work out. V. D. Savarkar criticized the RCC for being too "timid". K. R. Khedgevar suffered from being lost in the shadow of the glory of the violent Vir.

V. D. Savarkar considered himself an atheist and recognized religion as an element of culture, as an integral part of Hindutva. "Hinduism is only a variant, an element, a part of Hindutva," he wrote. "Hindutva embraces all directions of thought and activities of the whole Personality of our Hindu nation" [Panikkar, 2004]. K. R. Khedgevar was a believer and looked at religion as the basis of culture, the main content, the soul of Hindutva.

In 1929, Khedgevar became the supreme leader-sarsang chalak of the RSS and began to put his ideas into practice. Khedgevar gave the RSS the characteristics of a military organization and a religious sect. Sarsang Chalak was given unlimited power and the right to appoint his successor at once. K. R. Khedgevar introduced a paramilitary uniform and the institute of spiritual guidance (guruhood). New members of the Union were accepted on the basis of strictly individual selection. Candidates took a vow of celibacy, committed themselves to a Sadhu lifestyle, and committed themselves fully to the cause of Hindu revival (Ramaswamy, 2003).

In 1927, K. R. Khedgevar organized the first training camp near Nagpur for the training of professional leaders - pracharaks, strong-minded and strong-minded people.

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people fanatically devoted to the cause of Hindu nationalism. They were engaged in gymnastics, wrestling, and learned to use cold weapons. In the camp, pracharaks belonging to different castes ate from the same cauldron, ate together, and spent their free time. Khedgevar described the Union as a "fraternal family", like "Hindu Rashtra in miniature". Since then, the camps have become an integral part of the RCC.

The Union of K. R. Khedgevar's time was a group of friends and like-minded chitpavan brahmins by caste. The RCC's activities did not extend beyond Nagpur. Hinduism, which was preached by K. R. Khedgevar, was based on a Brahmanical vision of the world, on varnasrama, which made it difficult for Hindus to unite. According to Sushila Ramaswamy (2003), the RCC remained a local-type patriarchal entity with a narrow social base. He was supported mainly by the Brahmans, the Banyas, and the landed aristocracy [Puniyani].

K. R. Khedgevar died in 1940.The day before his death, he appointed Madhav Sadashiva Golwalkar (1903 - 1972) as his successor. His associates called him Guruji (Dear Teacher). His ideas are summarized in the book "Collection of Thoughts", which is a summary of speeches, conversations, interviews compiled by students and edited by Professor M. A. Venkat Pao (Golwarkar, 1966). The first edition of the book was published during the lifetime of M. S. Golvalkar. But this did not save her from ambiguities and contradictions. Typical example: When asked directly how he felt about violence, M. S. Golvarkar said that he was against one person's violence against another. But when it comes to fighting against public evil, including a Government hostile to the people, violence is not only permissible, but necessary.

M. S. Golvarkar basically uses the same concepts of the Hindu nation as K. R. Khedgevar. But it further enhances the role of the divine principle, religion in general. God is central to his concept of the nation. He declared the Hindus, the "Hindu nation," to be the living incarnation of God. God is the Hindu society as a whole and "each individual" separately, he said (Golwarkar, 1966, pp. 25-26, 35-36). Service to society is service to God, and patriotism is a form of worship to God. Only Hindus, a God-chosen nation, can create an ideal society - a dharma-based society of supreme reality. In M. S. Golvarkar's interpretation, dharma has a twofold meaning. First, it is a certain state of mind that needs to be brought up in a spirit of self-restraint and self-control. Secondly, it is a force that connects people and forms a society out of them. "The combination of these two qualities of dharma gives a social organization in which each person is filled with the spirit of sacrifice and realizes his unity with other members of society "[ibid.].

He strongly rejected Western civilization, both in the form of capitalism and communism, for its lack of spirituality. In accordance with Western thought, he believed, " a person's life is reduced to a set of physical needs. Therefore, a person looks at society as a tool for satisfying his physical needs and becomes like an animal " [Golwalkar, 1966, p. 16]. M. S. Golvarkar gave hindutva a Messianic character and declared it a model of the future world order. "The reorganization of the Hindu people on the basis of a unique national genius, which the Sangha seeks to implement, is not only a great cause for the national revival of India, but also an indispensable and preliminary condition for the realization of humanity's dream of world unity and prosperity" [Golwalkar, 1966, p.7].

Muslims, according to M. S. Golvarkar, should abandon customs and habits that offend Hindus, and first of all stop slaughtering cows. They must accept the culture and language of the Hindus, learn to respect and revere the religion of the Hindus and the Hindu gods. They should have no other ideas than those that glorify " the Hindu race and culture." Otherwise, they will be able to live in India "without even claiming the rights of citizens" (Suda Jioti Prasad, 1973, p. 459).

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All means, including violence, are acceptable to resolve the "Muslim issue". M. S. Golvarkar called for taking an example in this respect from fascist Italy and Hitler's Germany. A close friend and mentor of M. S. Golvarkar, B. S. Munji, visited Italy in March 1931, where he met with Mussolini and studied the experience of creating youth paramilitary organizations and military educational institutions. In 1939, Golvarkar wrote in the pamphlet " We, or Our Nationality Defined "that Germany had" cleansed its nation "of the Semitic race and" this should serve as a good lesson for us in Hindustan " (Casolari Marzia, 2000). Until the end of his life, M. S. Golvarkar could not recognize the partition of India. August 15, 1947, which was celebrated throughout the country as Independence Day, was declared a Day of Mourning by the RCC.

After the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, the government banned the RCC as a terrorist organization. The ban was lifted a year and a half later, after the RCC adopted a written Charter stating that it was a non-political cultural organization and achieved its goal by " peaceful and legitimate means." However, according to D. P. Suda, the term" culture "in the interpretation of the RCC serves as a smoke screen to mask the" dream of all Hindus " - about achieving Hindu Raj and building Hindu Rashtra [Suda Jioti Prasad, 1973, p. 459].

SANGHA PARIVAR-SANGHA FAMILY

Hindutva never gave up the idea of coming to power. Under the colonial regime, this idea was not feasible. The situation changed with independence. The system of parliamentary democracy opened up new opportunities for this. In order to attract the electorate to its side, the RCC is undertaking an unprecedented scale and depth of restructuring of its personnel, ideology and organization.

First of all, he "pacifies" his top management. Leaders like sadhus and gurus are being replaced by people who are earthly and modern. Rajendra Singh, the successor of M. S. Golvarkar, became the first sarsang chalak, not a Brahmana and not a Maharashtrian. He was a nuclear physicist, a university professor. Kappahalli Seetharamaya Sudarshan and Mohan Madhukar Bhagavat, who succeeded Rajendra Singh, also graduated from universities and received prestigious civilian professions. Public politicians - leaders of social movements and organizations, members of parliament and legislative assemblies, ministers of the central government and state governments-have joined the RCC asset.

Since the mid-1980s, Hindutva has been dramatically expanding its social activities in the direction of the mass strata of Indian society - the middle class, peasants, workers, artisans, employees, residents of basti slums, etc.

In 1994, the RSS established the Prachar Vibhag news Agency to promote and promote Hindutva. Today it has at its disposal 19 publishing houses, three dozen information centers (Vishva samrad Kendra), 40 tabloids ( Jagaran Patrika), 6 daily, 12 weekly and 7 monthly publications. This is not counting the press organs of major Sangha organizations. Prachar vibhag trains publishers and journalists in special courses [Kumar Pramod, 2004 (2), p. 11].

The transformation of Hindutva into a mass movement was hindered by the blatant Brahmanism of its ideology. Varnasrama splits the Hindu community into thousands of castes, sects, and beliefs, and alienates the Adivasi and former untouchable Dolitans from Hindutva. In addition, the influence of Brahmanism is mainly limited to the north of the country. The population of the south adheres to Shramaist Hinduism (Shaivism, Vishnuism, Jainism, Bhakti, Tantrism, etc.), which opposes the authority of the Vedas, dharma, etc.

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the mashastras and the powers of the brahmans. It is in the south that various anti-Brahmin social and political movements have spread.

To circumvent this obstacle, Hindutva created her own "ERES" version of Hinduism. It does not abrogate the laws of varnasrama, but only symbolically equalizes castes. In the Indian literature, this method is called saffronization: Adivasis, Dalits and other representatives of the lower caste society are allowed to visit their temples by Hindutva caste Hindus, high-caste Hindu priests conduct worship services in the temples of former untouchables and lower castes [Kumar Pramod, 2004 (2), p. 11], and joint meetings are organized with Hindus. meals, organized visits to each other's homes, etc.

The film adaptation is popular with Adivasis and Dalits, who associate it with hopes of getting rid of their humiliated position in society. But very soon they realize that these hopes are illusory. In Indian society, it's not who or what you think you are that matters. What matters is who you were born with. What matters is who your family and others take you for. And for society, Dalits were and still are Dalits, Adivasi-Adivasi. Moreover, their claims to alien status irritate caste-based Hindus and increase status tensions within the Hindu community.

Along with religious activities, Hindutva turns to missionary work. It focuses its attention on those areas of life where the state does not cope with its tasks. It is engaged in charity work, organizes cooperatives, mutual aid groups, craft training courses, creates and maintains schools, boarding schools, medical centers, and hospitals. Hindutva volunteers help villagers build roads, wells, and homes. In many of these areas, Hindutva participates in the implementation of State social development programs. This increases the prestige of Hindutva and allows its organizations to receive government subsidies and grants. But that's just the tip of the iceberg. Whatever exactly Hindutva is doing, its activities are subordinated to the main task-educating the Hindu in the spirit of religion and tradition, propaganda, inciting inter-communal discord.

At the same time, the RCC is overgrown with many subsidiaries, granddaughters and other related structures, which are collectively called the Sangha Family (Sangh Parivar). They play the role of "drive belts" for communication with the masses. Today, few people, except those who are members of the RCC leadership, can name the number of organizations operating under its auspices. In August 2004, Organizer magazine named 36 of the most famous ones. Of these, 33 emerged after independence. At the regional and local level, their appearance took on a truly avalanche-like character. There are about a thousand of them in Maharashtra alone (Katakam Anupama, 2004). Many have the status of non-governmental voluntary organizations( NGOs), have been registered, and are legal participants in civil proceedings. This does not mean that they all honor the law. Many of them, especially those who are called Hindutva's "fists", have been repeatedly convicted of organizing all kinds of public unrest. In addition, the Sangha Parivar has organizations operating entirely outside the legal framework. One of them is Hindu Jagaran Manch. In different states, it has different names: in Delhi it is called Hindu manch, in Tamil Nadu-Hindu munnani, in Maharashtra-Hindu ekjut, etc. Their real goal is to fight against the "anti-national elements" - Muslims, Christians and communists, the return of adherents of Islam and Christianity to Hinduism, and the intermarriage of Hindus, especially women, with Muslims and Christians. "Manch frees such girls from the clutches of bandits and arranges their marriages with Hindu boys" [Hindu Katakam Manch, 2004, p. 15]. The methods used by this organization to achieve its goals are well - known-public ostracism, pogroms, arson, violence, murder. When the authorities take action against violators of law and order, "hooligans" appear in the dock at best. The Sangha parivar as such remains beyond the reach of the harsh hand of the law.

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When working with the masses, Hindutva adheres to the principle of "door to door, person to person, heart to heart" (Gopalakrishnan Amulya, 2004). Karsevaks live for weeks among local residents. In the localities of Jabua (Narmada River valley, Madhya Pradesh), Sangh Parivar branches have 4-6 levels of organization-mandolas, khandas, sankulas, jilas, etc. Each level is responsible for "its" block, street, mohalla, group of houses or families.

The Sangha family is not limited to its members alone. It subordinates ideologically close formations to its influence. Among them, first of all, Shiv Sena (Maharashtra) should be mentioned. Shiv Sena is a chauvinist organization with the slogan "Maharashtra is for Maharashtrians". Today, the Shiv Sena is part of the Sangha Parivar. As a defender of Hinduism, Hindutva relies on the help of religious organizations. There are innumerable such organizations in the country [List_of_Hindu_organisations...]. The Family also has its own" agents of influence " in the secular sphere - in other parties, government agencies, schools, and universities.

Speaking about the organizational capabilities of Sang Parivar, it is impossible not to touch on its foreign network. The Hindu Swayaksevak Sangha, a foreign stand - in for the RCC, has branches in almost all countries where the more or less large Indian diaspora lives. The Family pays special attention to the United States, where the number of Indian immigrants has reached 2 million people. The Sangha Parivar is interested in the United States for a number of reasons. One of them is material. Some Hindutva organizations in India are supported entirely by"non-resident" Indians. The other is the supervision and "spiritual care" of compatriots, especially young people studying in the United States; countering the " corrupting influence of the West."

To control the sprawling structure, Hindutva had to rebuild the management system. The Sangha parivar acquired the character of a hierarchical, centralized organization. The supreme authority in the Family belongs to the Rashtriya swayamsevak sangha. But this power does not rest on administrative subordination. Family members are formally independent. Each member association has its own tasks and even its own sources of funding. The supporting framework of the RCC power vertical is formed by professional cadres of managers (pracharaks). The union prepares them for itself, for other family members, and even for those formations that are not affiliated with the Sangha Parivar. The RCC distributes them to their duty stations, directs and controls their activities, and ensures their career growth.

Such an indirect control system has its advantages. First, it eliminates the need for Family members to disclose their connection to the RCC, whose reputation is far from perfect. In December 2003, a scandal broke out in England. It became known that 2 million pounds sterling, raised at the time to help victims of the earthquake in Gujarat, fell into the hands of an organization that took part in the Gujarat pogroms in 2002. Upon learning of this, Lord Adam Patel, a member of the United Kingdom Parliament, resigned as patron of the International Earthquake Relief Fund. "I am sure that many donors do not understand that they send money to terrorist groups like the RCC, "he said in an interview with the Sunday Mercury newspaper [Sunday Mercury, 11.08.2002].

Secondly, it provides Family members with a wide range of freedom of action in relation to specific conditions. At first glance, this confuses the division of labor between them. It seems to exist, because there are organizations that operate in different spheres of society or take care of different groups of the population. But it does not seem to exist - very often several Hindutva formations work in the same field and they are all basically engaged in the same business.

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SOUL HUNTING

However, the specialization of Family members becomes clear if you look at it through the eyes of Hindutva himself. The Sangha Parivar focuses on people, and their ideological "education" is the main content of its activities. But people are all different. To reach them all, in all their guises, Hindutva builds its educational work on the basis of the following principles::

First: you need to have an idea or ideas; specialists in the field of ideology who develop these ideas; channels through which ideas are brought to the "consumer".

Second, the ideological processing of society should be total in nature. All people without exception are subject to it. A person should be under the ideological tutelage of a hindutva constantly and everywhere - from birth to the funeral pyre.

Third, the approach to a person should be differentiated, i.e. it should take into account their gender, age, social status, group identities, etc.

Fourth: educational work should bring satisfaction to the person being raised - meet their material, moral, cultural, psychological and other needs, give vent to their emotions, constructive and destructive-all the same.

The modern structure of the Sangha Parivar and the specialization of its members fully meet these principles. Several societies are engaged in developing and propagating the Hindutva ideology. One of them, Vijnana Bharati, for example, popularizes holism, a holistic method of cognition that combines natural, social and "spiritual" sciences. This approach is an alternative to the Western worldview based on the separation of positive knowledge and faith, which supposedly negates " divinity, holiness, and humanism." The aim of the society is also to promote "Swadeshist" branches of knowledge and psychotechnics - Ayurveda, Siddhi and meditation [Vijnana Bharati, 2004].

The task of another society, Prajna Pravah, is to promote "nation building" by organizing mutual understanding and interaction between spiritual leaders, scientists, public figures, politicians and government officials. Prajna regularly holds annual conferences that discuss a wide range of issues, from the Hindu "philosophy of life" to the post - Egyptian model of development [Chadha Rajendra, 2004, p. 9].

An organization of historians , Akhil Bharatiya Itihas Sankalan Yojana, was formed to recreate the "true history of India", which was"distorted by foreigners". Yojana proposes to abandon the generally accepted principle of chronology of history and adopt the Hindu system of calculating time-Bharatiya kalaganana. It proves that the Aryans were indigenous to India, and that the first guru on earth, the Hindu Vishwaguru Bharat, was at the origins of world civilization. As of 2004, Yojana had branches in 65 universities (out of 101) and published about 500 books. The main project of the society is to write a general history of India, covering the last 5 thousand years [Chadha Dr. Kushvah Rajendra, 2004, p. 23].

Fiction is another means of influencing the spiritual life of society. The Writers 'Organization (Akhil Bharatiya Sahitya Parishad) unites writers who are committed to the "Indian values of life", popularizes their works, and supports young talents. The organization's immediate plans include publishing an extensive work on the place of Rama in Indian literature [Singh Jit, 2004. p. 29].

Hindutva relies on the support of organizations of socially significant and respected professions - teachers, doctors, lawyers, etc. - to give credibility and spread its teachings. Bharatiya Shikshan Mandal Society,

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For example, it unites teachers, intellectuals, and politicians. It aims to give" the right direction "to India's education system, promotes the" Bharatiya values of life " contained in the Vedas and Upanishads, India's contribution to the world of art, science and technology, and popularizes the lives of the great people of Hindutva. The Mandal has branches in 500 districts of the country.

Teachers ' Organization - Vidya Bharati (full name Vidya Bharati Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan) is the largest non-governmental organization in the field of education. It contains 20.9 thousand educational institutions with 2.6 million students and 116.8 thousand teachers. Vidya Bharati educational institutions are available in all states and union territories of India. The aim of the society is to bring up "a generation of young people who are fully developed and fully committed to bharatiyata and patriotism." The curriculum includes physical education, yoga, Sanskrit, art, morality, and spirituality [Batra Dina Nath, 2004, p. 8].

Akhil Bharatiya Rashtriya Shaikshik Mahasangh is a federation of preschool and school teachers. It has 600,000 members. Maintains contacts with 82 universities in the country. He considers it his main task to rid the nation of the threat of the "three M's" - Marx, Macaulay and Madrasa." Educates students in the spirit of" national character"," Indian culture "and" Indian values " [Organizer, 15.08.2004, p.21].

The National Organization of Physicians - National Medicos Organization - unites more than 100 medical colleges. Provides medical assistance to victims of social and natural disasters. She is active among the Janjati people in Bihar and runs a children's shelter in Ranchi. Publishes a journal that, in addition to modern medical achievements, popularizes the Hindu culture of Teacher-student relationships (guru-shishya sanskriti) [Organizer, 15.08.2004, p. 21].

The organization of lawyers - Akhil Bharatiya Adhivakta Parishad (Akhil Bharatiya Adhivakta Parishad) - is engaged in educating the legal community in the spirit of "Bharatiya values and Bharatiya ideas of justice", conducts courses for young professionals-judges and lawyers. Acts with legislative initiatives. Conducts lectures, seminars, consultations on various branches of law and legal proceedings, provides legal assistance to the poor [Kalra Jyotika, 2004, p. 24].

These organizations are mainly engaged in developing and promoting the general principles of Hindutva ideology. Figuratively speaking, they hit "squares" - in their field of vision there are vast areas of society's life: ideology, culture, education. These organizations are aimed at the elite of society. Part of this elite is directly engaged in the production of an ideological product, while the other part helps to introduce this product into the public consciousness by its work and example.

The consumer of the product itself - a person, citizen, or individual-is the object of concern for other organizations that specialize depending on their age, social, or other characteristics.

A person's life begins with a family. In the family, a person gets the first ideas about life, morality, duty, etc. At the earliest stage of a person's life, the main role is played by the mother, a woman. The task of the National Committee of Women Volunteers - Rashtra Sevika Samiti is to educate a woman "in the spirit of patriotism and devotion to the motherland, in preparing her to fulfill her main life function - mother, guardian of the hearth, traditions, and transmitter of Hindutva cultural values to subsequent generations". The Committee was established in October 1936 on the initiative of Hedgewar. "The most important role of women in the family is to promote culture and the dharmic way of life," the organization's website says [http://www.hssworld.org/seva/sevadisha/sevadishal/sevika_samiti.html]. In India, naschi-

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there are more than 3500 branches (shakh) The Committee. In the Sakhas, women are trained in hygiene, sanitation, child care and education. The Committee maintains libraries, schools, dormitories for girls ' students, medical centers, and provides assistance to families in need.

Rashtriya sevika samiti aims to raise the importance of women in the family and society. For this purpose, mutual aid groups are created under the Shakhs, and handicraft industries are organized. A special program is dedicated to training female functionaries for the organization. Sevika Samiti has more than 5.2 thousand training camps for this purpose [http:// www.hssworld.org/seva/sevadisha/sevadishal/sevika_samiti.html].

Balagokulam is a children's and youth organization that deals with children from 5 to 14-15 years old. It got its name from Gokulam, a mythical place where the God Krishna spent His childhood. Balagokulam icon-Krishna-boy: a crafty mischief-maker in childhood, a brave warrior, a caring ruler, a sage, a hero of fascinating stories from the Mahabharata, one of the incarnations of the God Vishnu. In forms accessible to children - fairy tales, singing sacred hymns (bhajangs), dancing, performances on the themes of the Ramayana and Mahabharata - children are introduced to the "cultural roots of Hindus", inspire them with pride in the cultural heritage of Hinduism, teach them the "Hindu way of life". It is important for children to develop a sense of" Hindu identity " and a duty of service to the nation. Balagokulam members are organized to visit temples where they serve priests, nursing homes, and hospitals where they help staff take care of patients. During the holidays, students are taken to camps where they practice sports and military affairs [Batra Dina Nath, 2004, p. 8].

College and university students are under the care of Akhil Bharathiya Vidyarthi Parishad. This organization educates future specialists in the spirit of Hindutva and prepares them for independent work; conducts an active public life-protects the rights of students, monitors the quality of education, fights against bureaucracy and corruption, is engaged in employment after graduation; participates in public and political life of the country. The RCC believes that this organization, having educated "thousands and thousands of young people", "made a silent revolution" in the minds of specialists working in many sectors of Indian life. The members of this organization are also teachers who ensure the continuity and constancy of its principles and modus operandi [http://www.abvp.org/index.php?middle=].

ATTENTION TO SOCIAL GROUPS

Man is a social being. He or she is a member of one or more social groups, and gives her or them a part of his or her soul, energy, and time. Hindutva seeks to master these human resources as well, and for this purpose creates mass organizations and movements whose "specialization" is determined by the nature of the group with which they work.

For example, Akhil Bharatiya Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram educates tribal populations living in 47.3 thousand rural and 681 urban settlements in Assam, Bihar, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Kerala, Karnataka and West Bengal [Singh Kripa, 2004, p. 32]. An ashram is a multidisciplinary organization. It provides assistance in the development of education, health care, agriculture and crafts; in organizing the marketing of products, in providing drinking water, in building roads, etc. Conducts intensive work among women. The ashram often represents tribal interests in state bodies and courts [Rath Deepak Kumar, 2004, p. 27].

However, the main goal of the society is to counteract the Christianization of the tribal population and to fight separatism, to "create a nationalistic society in the Janjati."-

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management". "With its service projects, Kalyan Ashram has succeeded in developing nationalistic feelings among the tribes of the north-east of the country, including Sikkim, Nagaland and Mizoram," says Kripa Prasad Singh, the organizing secretary of the society (Singh Kripa Prasad, 2004, p. 32).

Hindutva organizations that target social-class groups often take the form of trade unions or their associations. Bharatiya Mazdur Sangh-The Union of Indian Workers in 1996 was recognized by the Government of India as the largest trade union association in the country. In 1999, it had 32 federations with 6.5 million members [http://www.vskgujarat.com/like_minded_organization/bhartiya_mazdoor_sangh.htm], is represented in most bilateral / trilateral committees and councils established by the central Government. The ideological basis of the Bharatiya Mazdur Sangha (BMS) is "integral humanism" as an instrument of struggle against "capitalism and Marxism". The guarantee of the prosperity of society and the welfare of workers is the establishment of a "Bharatiya social order". The BMS considers its immediate tasks in the field of the labor movement to be::

* achieving unity in the trade union movement;

* educating workers in the spirit of service, cooperation and responsibility to the country and its industry;

* ensuring the right to work, social security, trade union activities, and strikes "when other legitimate methods of conflict resolution have been exhausted";

* change of labor legislation in favor of workers;

* improving workers ' education and skills;

* fight against alcohol, drug use and smoking;

* protection of nature;

* establishment of cooperatives, clubs, and charitable organizations.

BMS has its own research and training centers. Conducts seminars on the application of labor legislation, the impact of new industrial and economic policies on the state of labor. He publishes monthly magazines-Vishwakarna Chetna (in Hindi) and Vishwakarna Sanket( in English), as well as publications in Bengali, Malayali, Marathi, Tamil, Gujarati. Instead of " Workers of all countries unite!" BMS adheres to the motto - "Workers, unite the world" [http://www.bms.org.in/htm/trade_unions.htm#Bharatiya%20Mazdoor%20Sangh].

Bhartiya Kisan Sangh is a union of Indian farmers. According to the organization's leaders, the Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BCS) "is the largest non-political non-governmental and self-sufficient peasant organization." Its branches exist in all states of India and number 1200 thousand people. However, it has the greatest influence in Gujarat, which accounts for 800,000 BCS members [http://www.bksgujarat.org.in/]. The BCC sets itself the task of establishing fair prices for agricultural products. It represents the interests of farmers in economic, social, cultural and educational institutions. Like the BMS, the BCS considers the unity and greatness of the country to be the highest goal of its activities. Therefore, it does not encourage "destructive" methods and means of struggle such as strikes, hunger strikes, etc.

The Laghu Udyog Bharati Society exists to reach the large artisan population. Currently, it operates in more than 20 states of the country and has about 5 thousand branches. It is popular in the north and northwest of the country. Its influence is less in the south and northeast of the country. The society believes that the model of development of India should be the development of small-scale production. It requires tax cuts, increased bank lending, and debt repayment. Laghu udyoga activists represent the interests of small entrepreneurs in courts and state institutions [Aggarwal, 2004, p. 36].

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The organization of the middle classes-farmers working for the market, small and medium-sized entrepreneurs, specialists, creators of computer programs and other types of intellectual products-is Swadeshi Jagaran Manch. The creation of the Swadesh Jagaran Manch (SDM) was prompted by the growing discontent of the politically active middle class with liberal economic reforms. SDM stands out:

* against the "dictates of the World Monetary Fund, the International Bank and the World Trade Organization";

* against "government concessions to international financial groups and multinational corporations";

* against corrupt officials who collude with "imperialism";

* to protect the interests of domestic production and domestic producers;

* for banning the export of cattle meat, slaughtering cows, closing slaughterhouses, etc. [http://www.swadeshi.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=l].

In the relatively short period of its existence, the SDM has managed to establish a network of its organizations in most states of the country, and in some of them to increase representation to the level of a bloc. The organization conducts seminars and conferences with the participation of major scientists and public figures. They discuss alternative economic development programs. Among the activities carried out by the SDM, campaigns against the "cultural aggression" of TNCs in the Indian media, against the issuance of licenses to foreign companies to fish off the Indian coast, in defense of artisan weavers, bidi cigarette manufacturers, etc. caused a great response.

In 1995, the SDM launched a campaign against the Maharashtra Government's deal with Enron Corporation to build a major power plant in Dubhol. The negotiations were held in secrecy, the construction cost was overstated by 22 billion rubles. Rs. As a result of the campaign, the contract with Enron Corporation was terminated, and the country saved billions of rupees in budget funds.

Sahkar Bharati is dedicated to developing cooperation. The society assumes that " sankarita, or cooperation, is a living concept of Hindu philosophy." Sahkar Bharati functionaries lead many production, trade, credit, and consumer cooperatives of farmers, artisans, and workers, etc. Members of Sahkar Bharati branches take an oath to do their work "with pure thoughts, for the good of the country and the people" [Sahkar Bharati, 2004, p.19].

The aim of the Akhil Bharatiya Granak Panchayat Consumer Society is to " educate consumers about their rights so that they can fight against the exploitation of producers, warehouse owners and merchants "(Kumar Pramod, 2004 (1), p. 27). The panchayat creates groups of consumers who purchase everyday products from wholesalers. Members of the society are introduced to the pricing system, trained in the metric system of weights and measures, and the ability to recognize counterfeit goods and money. The Society has about 1,000 local branches. The Granak Panchayat initiated the adoption of the Consumer Protection Act in 1986.

Hindutva does not ignore those who do not study, do not work, do not read, do not think about the meaning of life, i.e. the lower classes of society, lumpens. They are also handled by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (WCP), or World Council of Hindus. The Council was established in 1964 in Bombay on the initiative of Golvarkar [Rath Deepak Kumar, 2004, p. 16]. At a meeting of leading dharmacharis and sadhus in 1966, the tasks of the VCP were formulated-the protection of Hindu shrines and the fight against the three main enemies of Hinduism - Islam, Christianity and communism [Organizer, Diwali Special, 1964]. This is the most orthodox and

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hindutva's most radical organization. It cultivates mass, primitive forms of communalism designed for the low cultural level and mental instability of its flock; it does not recognize courts and compromises, and relies mainly on brute physical force. The VCP makes extensive use of militant organizations, or, as they are also called, "Hindutva fists", which carry out physical reprisals against those who have deviated from the faith and violated the traditions of their ancestors, organize and conduct anti-Muslim and anti-Christian pogroms. Such "kulaks" as Bajrang Dal and Durga vahini are widely known in India.

Bajrang Dal (also called the Hanuman Army, or Monkey Army) is an organization for young people, the youth wing of the RSS. It has more than 2.5 thousand primary organizations with a total number of 1300 thousand members. Durga Vahini, or the Army of Goddess Durga , is a militant women's organization, the youth wing of Sevik Samiti. Members of both organizations receive military training in special camps. Both organizations are opposed to the slaughter of cows, for the return of Hindu temples turned into mosques, fight against the conversion of Hindus to Islam and Christianity, against mixed marriages, and expose "Islamic terrorists hiding in the thick of the population" [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bajrang_Dal]. During the bloody anti-Muslim pogroms in Gujarat in 2002, activists Bajrang Dal and Durga Vahini participated in acts of violence against Muslims. Durga Vahini's volunteers (rambhaktas) conducted reconnaissance, compiled lists of potential victims, and provided medical assistance to the Hindutva fighters.

(The ending follows)

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Batra Dina Nath. Vidya Bharati. To Develop a National System of Education // Organiser. 15.08.2004.

Bhat Chetant. Hindu Nationalism: Origins, Ideologies and Modern Myths. Berg Publishers, 2001.

Casolari Marzia. Hindutva's Foreign Tie-up in 1930s. Archival Evidence // Economic and Political Weekly. 22.01.2000.

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Chadha Rajendra. Prajna Pravah. The Nectar Spring // Organiser. 15.08.2004.

Chitkara M.G. Hindutva Parivar. N. Delhi: APH Publishers, 2003.

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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bajrang_Dal

http://www.abvp.org/index.php?middle=

http://www.bksgujarat.org.in/

http://www.bms.org.in/htm/trade_unions.htm#Bharatiya%20Mazdoor%20Sangh

http://www.hssworld.org/seva/sevadisha/sevadishal/sevika_samiti.html

http://www.hssworld.org/seva/sevadisha/sevadishal/sevika_samiti.html

http://www.proxsa.org/politics/hindutva/abv.html

http://www.swadeshi.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=l

http://www.vskgujarat.com/like_minded_organization/bhartiya_mazdoor_sangh.htm

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