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SPRING FESTIVAL AKASHKA/ BYDZYM NUNAL OF SOUTHERN UDMURTS IN THE LATE XIX-EARLY XX CENTURY

The article is devoted to the analysis of the traditional spring holiday Akashka of southern Udmurts. Elements of Turkic borrowings are traced in the content and nature of the holiday. Some of them correspond in the ritual practice of the Turkic-speaking peoples of the Middle Volga region and the Urals, while the origins of others are found in the Turkic-Mongolian environment of Southern Siberia and Altai.

Keywords: southern Udmurts, Akashka holiday, Turkic borrowing, rite.

Introduction

Udmurts are one of the Finno-Ugric peoples that have long lived in the forest areas of the Kama-Vyatka region, within six administrative divisions: the Udmurt Republic (UR), the Republics of Tatarstan (RT), Bashkortostan (RB), Mari El (RME), the Kirov Region, and Perm Krai. The southern Udmurts are divided into three territorial groups. The first one occupies the basins of the right tributaries of the middle Kama and the southern regions of the Urals (southern Udmurts proper); the second one occupies the right bank of the lower Vyatka, the north - eastern regions of the Republic of Tatarstan, the southern Kirov region, and the eastern RME (Zavyatsky Udmurts); the third one occupies the left tributaries of the Kama in the north of the Republic of Belarus, and the southern regions of the Perm Territory (Zakamsky Udmurts).

Contacts of the settled forest population with nomadic Turkic-and Mongolian-speaking ethnic groups contributed to the formation of a special layer of historical borrowings in the Udmurt cultural heritage. The Turkic influence was imprinted in the nature of material and spiritual culture, in the lexical, semantic, phonetic and grammatical structure of the language. It is expressed to varying degrees in local areas and ethnographic groups. The greatest number of Turkic borrowings was recorded in the southern regions, in places of intense contacts between the Udmurts and the Turkic-speaking peoples of the region.

Ritual cycle of Akashic celebration

According to the traditional Udmurt calendar, the New Year is a celebration of the meeting of spring and the beginning of spring field work Bydzym Nunal (Great Day) in the late XIX - early XX centuries. The festival lasted for one to two weeks and consisted of a whole complex of rites and rituals, the timing and sequence of which varied for different ethno-territorial groups. Moreover, there were differences in every local area, even in every village. Expressive are the variants of the names of this holiday among the northern and southern Udmurts: respectively, Gera potton 'plow removal' / Gyron potop 'beginning of plowing, sowing' to Akashka / Akayashka (from others. - bulg. aka 'plow, sev' +yashka 'soup, chowder', ozna-

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tea "soup in honor of the plow"). Common names are Bydzym nunal (Great Day), Veliktem (Great Day). Paska (Easter) were synonyms and were common among all territorial and local groups of the Udmurt population along with specific dialect forms [Vladykina, Glukhova. 2011, pp. 10-13, 23-240]. Recently, the holiday is celebrated for one or two days. The festive cycle associated with the meeting of spring is distinguished by the syncretic nature of the content and structural components, the action and verbal design of festivities and rituals dedicated to the Great Day.

More complete versions of the celebration of the beginning of the new year are recorded in the South Udmurt environment. Among the Zavyat Udmurts living in the Kukmor and Baltasinsky districts of the Republic of Tatarstan*, festive events lasted a week before and a week after the main celebrations of Akashka or Bydzym Nunal (in the later version, they were timed to coincide with Orthodox Easter). The festival included a series of interconnected and consecutive ceremonial ceremonies aimed at purifying and recreating a new sacred space and time as a guarantee of the future well-being of people. There are three main stages: the preparatory week, the main Sunday celebrations, and the final part of the holiday.

During the preparatory period, the house was cleaned and decorated, on the eve of Great Thursday, cleansing rites were performed, amulets were installed on the doors of huts and farm buildings, and deceased relatives were commemorated. Before the Akashka festival itself, a bathhouse was heated. The main festivals were held on Sunday - Bydzym Nunal 'Great Day' or Vdsyaskon Nunal 'Prayer Day'. On this day, they prepared and consecrated a ritual dish-porridge with goose, cooking. Then a guest visit was made-bypassing relatives on the paternal side strictly against the flow of the local river or in the sun. During the day, the boys played kuregpuz tagallyan "egg rolling". Games with Easter eggs were an essential element of spring holidays not only for Udmurts, but also for other ethnic groups of the region - Russians, Tatars, Bashkirs, etc., although the time and composition of participants varied. The symbolism of the rite is associated with the activation of fruit - bearing natural forces [Urazmanova, 2001, p.22-23; Agapkina, 2004, p. 646; Chernykh, 2006, p. 115-117; Salmin, 2007, p. 104-106; Agapkina and Belova, 2012, p. 630].

In each village, there were local differences in the conduct of Akashka. For example, in d. Novy Kanisar (Kukmor district of the Republic of Tatarstan) on the first day of the holiday, on Sunday, they also performed the argyzh pukon / vdsyaskon rite 'sitting / praying of argyzhs'*, when specially selected for this purpose old grandfather (argyzh-babai) and grandmother (argyzh-pesyai) sat as honorary chairmen on a bench in the communal sanctuary Vdsyaskon inty 'place of prayer'**. Sitting argyzhami symbolized the sacred person of the holiday, played the role of a kind of sacred center on the territory of a public temple. In the descriptions of researchers of the late XIX century B. Gavrilov and B. Munkachi, the respectful attitude towards these individuals is emphasized. They rode to the festival site on horseback or were taken on horseback. And if they were walking, they were always ahead of the procession, with the man on the right and the woman on the left. In the meadow, they were placed on pillows, a tablecloth was spread out in front of them, and sacrificial porridge and drinks were presented [Munkacsi, 1887, 1. 171; Gavrilov, 1891, p. 97].

After the Great Day, the Akashic celebration continued for another week. On Monday, each householder consecrated bread in the ancestral / patronymic sacred building (Great Kuala), addressed prayers to the family and ancestral patron gods. On Tuesday, we visited the cemetery to commemorate our deceased ancestors, rode horses around the village, performing the rite of urai karon (ritual actions accompanied by shouts of "Urai!"): everyone we met was whipped with a broom and then these brooms were thrown into the cemetery (a rite of symbolic purification and consecration of the village space). On Wednesday, everyone brought bread for the ritual meal to a specially selected hut - sabet korka (the etymology of the term sabet is unclear, korka means "hut"). It hosted guests, treated them, and then invited guests to their homes. On this day, homemade beer was also consecrated. It was cooked in a large cauldron in Sabet's hut. The girls who were going to get married this year treated everyone in the village to beer. The honorary sitters (argyzh: pukisies) and their assistants visited their homes. On Thursday, the festival of the first thawing (gzhdor) was held, and the ritual porridge akashka was cooked on a special lawn. Food for her was collected in the village. Similar rites of serving porridge from home-grown products were also practiced by others

* Materials recorded by the author during the 2003 expedition.

* In the Tatar language, the term argysh is used in two meanings: 1) the wedding train; 2) the boss (necessarily a woman) of the wedding train [Tatar-Russian dictionary, 2007, p.116]. According to linguists V. I. Lytkin and E. S. Gulyaev, the word argysh/argish in the Russian and Komi languages is a Turkic borrowing meaning "caravan" [1970, p.33].

** In the vicinity of d. Old Ucha this place was called Akashka, and there grew a special pine Akashka puzhym 'Akashka pine' [Shutova et al., 2009, pp. 165-166].

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peoples of the region (for example, dere botkasy among the Kazan Tatars, hag Tui among the Bashkirs) [Urazmanova 2001, p. 24-33; Suleymanova 2005, p. 94-97], although their names, dates, participants, and other elements differed. On Friday, a swing was installed (tagan), which was dismantled in Semik (Semyk). Then a prayer was performed. In Semik, the dead were commemorated. On Saturday, we performed ablution - we went to the bathhouse. On Sunday, they prayed to Inmar (the Udmurt sky god, later merged with the Christian God). This day was also called Inmar puksen nunal 'day of the accession / sitting of Inmar'. You can't work during the entire Akashic week. Soon after the holiday, spring field work began.

Other versions of the Akashka celebration were recorded by T. G. Minniakhmetova in the village of Krasny Tsvetok (modern Kukmor district of the Republic of Tatarstan). On Sunday, a prayer was held here, or "entry" into the Great Bush (Vdsyaskon / Bydzym kualae pyron), to appeal to the patronage of family and ancestral deities, on Monday-a rite of symbolic purification of the village space./> oi kara 'holding a swarm' (ritual actions accompanied by shouts of " Swarm!"), on Tuesday - ullapal shid 'soup at the lower end of the street', on Wednesday - shoryn kenyr shid 'cereal soup in the middle of the street', on Thursday-eannapal shid 'soup at the upper end of the street', on Sunday-ullapal shid 'soup at the upper end of the street', on Sunday-ullapal shid 'soup at the lower end of the street'. Friday-gzhdor zhuk ' porridge on the lawn '(ritual meals in the center of the village and at both ends of it served as a kind of symbolic consecration of the village space), on Saturday-the sabet rite. On Sunday, prayers were performed and swings were built [Minniakhmetova, 2003, p. 126-128].

One of the elements of the Akashic celebration, which served as a ritual purification and sacralization of the village space, had characteristic features in each village. In d. Old Yumya it was called roy kara, in d. Verkhnyaya Shun (present-day Kukmor district of the Republic of Tatarstan) - urai karoi, in the village of Nyrya, in the villages of Staraya Knyumya, Baldyknya, Ishtugan, Novaya Ucha-surep shukkon ('beating, hitting with suren')*, etc. Verkhnyaya Yumya (modern Kukmor district of the Republic of Tatarstan) was performed with young birches. According to the description of M. Prokopiev, even in winter, young men planned a suitable tree in the forest two fathoms high, and about a week before Easter they cut it down and corrected the branches at the top with a crown. It was customary to hold this birch tree in front of you while sitting on a horse. Early in the morning, young men with birch trees drove up to the ancestral place of prayer Bydzym kuala and drove around it three times in the sun, taking off their hats. Then we also drove three times around the old lone pine tree at the end of the village. After the traditional circumambulation of the courtyards, which resembled Russian caroling, we went to the field, annually to a certain place. Here they threw birches, washed their faces, and prayed (Prokop'ev, 1916). According to the description of B. Gavrilov, in d. In Shun, a similar rite was performed, but the young men held lime sticks in their hands and rode out into the field to a lone oak tree growing near the village: "After driving around this oak, they go back to the village and start driving around each yard to the other end of the village. At the other end of the village, they go back to the field to some ravine where there is a river, where everyone gets off their horses and, having tied them up, throws lime sticks, and wash themselves " [1891, p. 95]. Not knowing exactly what the fake sticks were used for in the ritual, the researcher assumed that in previous years they were beaten about something. "Now the Votyaks (Udmurts - N. S.) travel only so that everyone will be ready to receive them when they come from the other end of the village" [Ibid.]. At the end of the 20th century, on this day, young men rode with long twigs, which they simply threw on the edge of the village [Nurieva, 1999, p. 97].

Bydzynala Celebration (Great Day/Easter) among the Trans-Kama Udmurts is described in detail by T. G. Minniakhmetova [2000, pp. 21-34; 2003, pp. 88-152]. The celebrations dedicated to the Great Day also consisted of a preparatory stage, the main celebration and seeing off the holiday. A week before Easter, the rite of exorcism was performed zin-periosyz ullyan (tag. zin 'devil, demon' + peri 'evil spirit, demon, devil' + udm. ullany 'drive, drive, banish'), eru karoi 'holding eru' or roy nunal 'day / > oi' and other variations; then-poton zhyt pendant / poton uy pendant 'eve of the coming out of the dead', and in the morning of the next day-poton nunal pendant 'day of the coming out of the dead'. The main festival lasted two or three days. Back in the 1970s, Bydzynal was celebrated on a Friday. On Sunday (Great Day), prayers were performed in the family, patronymic / ancestral sanctuary, a zumshan party was held, children played kuregpuz pityryan "egg rolling" on the lawn, young men rode horses. The great day of the Trans-Kama Udmurts did not always coincide with Orthodox Easter: Bydzynal was always celebrated at the waning moon, and its departure fell on the new moon. The last stage of the ritual cycle lasted a week after the Great Day. During this period, ritual actions were performed that performed producing, purifying and apotropaic functions: zuon ritual festivities, shylyk rituals, oshrog women's festivities, mummery pdrtmaskon, roy nunal rite. Bydzynal kelyan, the Great Day celebration, was held on Sunday (Minniakhmetova, 2003: 88-152).

* According to scientists, seren means "expelling, driving away" from the Turkic sur - "drive, drive away" and goes back to the Turkic suren - "battle cry, war cry corresponding to the Russian "hurrah! "" [Egorov, 1964, p. 189; Nurieva, 1999, p. 100-101; Salmin, 2007, p. 96].

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Other ethnoterritorial groups of the Southern Udmurt population, such as the southern (present - day southern regions of the Urals) and Zakamsky (northern regions of Bashkortostan and southern Perm Krai) Udmurts, have similar variants of the celebration. A shortened version of the Akashka holiday (three or four days) is known among the Besermians (Popova, 2004: 88-100), a subethnic group of northern Udmurts.

Parallels to the Akashka Holiday in the cultures of the peoples of the Kama-Vyatka region

Spring holidays associated with the beginning of agricultural work were practiced by almost all the peoples of the Middle Volga region and the Urals. At the same time, the set of ceremonial events, the composition of participants, the terms and conditions of holding them significantly differed for each ethnic group. The Russian folk calendar of the Kama region included Palm Sunday and Holy Thursday in the Easter cycle; there were also customs associated with the pre-and post-Easter weeks [Chernykh, 2006, p. 90-126]. Among the Turkic-speaking neighbors of the Udmurts, spring festive ceremonies were held, the main of which were the Chuvash Akatui (aka 'sev'). + tui 'wedding') [Salmin, 2007, p. 87-88], Tatar and Bashkir Sabantui (saban 'plough, sev' + tui 'wedding') [Rudenko, 2006, p. 234-238; Urazmanova, 2001, p. 20-54; Suleymanova, 2005, p. 104 - 106].

The Southern Udmurt Akashka / Bydzym nunal is closely related to the Christian Orthodox tradition by holding preparatory cleansing events, coinciding the main festival dates with Easter Sunday and other dates of the main festive celebrations of the Christian calendar, ceremonial rounds of courtyards and customs associated with the symbolism of colored eggs [Agapkina, 2004; 2012a, b; Vinogradova, 2012; etc.].

The semantics of a number of terms and the content of rituals in the South Udmurt tradition of celebrating Akashka have parallels in the cultures of the Turkic - and Mongolian-speaking peoples. The very name of the holiday goes back to ancient Bulgarian (Chuvash) aka 'plow, sev' + + yashka 'soup, chowder'. The Turkic word denotes its main characters-sitting argyzhami. Ancient Bulgarian (Chuvash) origin has the name of the rite of magical purification of space seren / suren shukkon. According to the testimony of the religious scholar A. K. Salmin, the ancient cleansing rite of seren was performed by the Chuvash people on a spring holiday. It later merged with Palm Sunday. According to researchers, the rite was performed to expel ancestral spirits and diseases, village evil spirits, as well as to provide people with good health. The ritual event was accompanied by singing and playing various musical instruments (violin, bagpipes, psaltery, drums, balalaika). The central place in its sacred significance was occupied by the rattle, which was called seren, although other terms were used. In the course of the rite, a tour of the village was made, visiting all the houses and collecting food for the ritual treat. The obligatory attributes of the festivities were rowan, rosehip, and bird cherry branches. They were used by the participants of the ritual to whip each other, hit fences, gates, huts, crates; in the houses they quilted beds, clothes, and sick people. At the same time, they shouted: "Seren\ Seren\ Seren\ " At the end of the ritual, branches and rattles were thrown into a ravine, river, or burned on a bonfire outside the village [Salmin, 2007, pp. 96-106].

The terminology and content of the components of the spring holiday cycle similar to the Suren shukkon 'beating, hitting with suren' rite also have Turkic parallels: youth horse races / games eru karoi, roy karon, Urai Karon, i.e. conducting the rite with shouts of " Eru!", "Roy!", " Urai!". The lost meaning of these exclamations becomes clear when we consider similar exclamations among the Turkic-and Mongolian-speaking peoples of Siberia. Their traditional invocations-requests addressed to the owners of the mountains, ancestral spirits, on whose will the result of hunting and the welfare of people depended, included the exclamations " Urui!", " Kurui!", " Khuryi! "(see: [Alekseev, 1980, p. 271-272; Mikhailov, 1980, p. 194]). Among the Buryats, the word khurai denoted the head of an animal killed by a hunter with a windpipe and a pole, which, according to their ideas, was the receptacle of happiness. It was believed that if the khurai was separated during the skinning process, the soul of the killed animal would be preserved and eventually it would be reborn again [Mikhailov, 1980, pp. 73-74, 84; Prostranstvo..., 2008, p.121].

Conclusions

The celebration of the beginning of the new year according to the traditional Udmurt calendar has a bright agar symbolism designed to activate the forces of nature, ensure the fertility of land, livestock and humans. The rites and games performed performed producing, purifying and apotropaic functions, and contributed to the sacralization of the village cultural space. Common to all local groups of the South Udmurt population were such characteristic features of the Akashka spring festival as a prayer appeal to deceased ancestors, family-generic and tribal/territorial patron deities, public meals, visiting - visiting relatives on the paternal side against the flow of food.-

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the main ritual dish is goose and porridge cooked in goose broth.

In addition to Christian Orthodox elements, two groups of Turkic borrowings are interwoven into the festive cycle of the Great Day of the Southern Udmurts. One has direct correspondences in the ritual practice of the Turkic-speaking peoples of the Middle Volga region and the Ural region- the Chuvash, Tatars, and Bashkirs, while the origins of the other are found in the Turkic-Mongolian environment of Southern Siberia and Altai. Turkic borrowings, traced mainly in the cult activities of the South Udmurt population, quite harmoniously fit into the archaic system of beliefs of the Finno-Ugric peoples of the Urals and have been preserved until ethnographic modernity. These parallels do not exhaust the whole variety of Turkic - and Mongol-Udmurt relations. There are other stories that show the contacts of the settled Permian population with nomadic Turkic-and Mongolian-speaking ethnic groups.

List of literature

Slavyanskie drevnosti: etnolinguisticheskii slovar': v 5 t. [Slavic antiquities: an ethnolinguistic dictionary: in 5 volumes]. - M.: Mezhdunar. relations, 2004, vol. 3, pp. 641-646.

Slavyanskie drevnosti: etnolinguisticheskii slovar': v 5 t. [Slavic antiquities: an ethnolinguistic dictionary: in 5 volumes]. relations, 2012a, vol. 5, pp. 552-555.

Slavyanskie drevnosti: etnolinguisticheskii slovar': v 5 t. [Slavic antiquities: ethnolinguistic dictionary: in 5 volumes]. - M.: Mezhdunar. relations, 20126. - Vol. 5. - pp. 555-558.

Agapkina T. A., Belova O. V. Yegoe paskhalnoe [Easter Egg] / / Slavyanskie drevnosti: etnolinguisticheskii slovar': v 5 t. / ed. by N. I. Tolstogo. relations, 2012, vol. 5, pp. 626-632.

Alekseev N. A. Early forms of religion of the Turkic-speaking peoples of Siberia. Novosibirsk: Nauka Publ., 1980, 317 p. (in Russian)

Vinogradova L. N. Yegoe // Slavyanskie drevnosti: etnolinguisticheskii slovar': v 5 t. [Slavic antiquities: ethnolinguistic dictionary: in 5 volumes]. - M.: Mezhdunar. relations, 2012. - Vol. 5. - pp. 621-626.

Argod-bergan: Vladykina T. T., Glukhova G. A. Rites and holidays of the Udmurt calendar. Izhevsk: Udmurt State University Publ., 2011, 320 p.

Gavrilov B. Beliefs, rites and customs of Votyaks of the Mamadysh uyezd of the Uryas-Uchinsky parish // Tr. IV Archeol. congress in Russia. Kazan, 1891, vol. 2, pp. 80-156.

Egorov V. G. Etymological dictionary of the Chuvash language. Cheboksary: Chuvash Publishing House, 1964, 355 p.

Lytkin V. I., Gulyaev E. S. Short etymological dictionary of the Komi language, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1970, 386 p.

Minniakhmetova T. E. Kalendarnye obryady zakamsikh udmurtov [Calendar rites of the Zakamsikh Udmurts]. Izhevsk: UIIYAL Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2000, 168 p. (in Russian)

Minniyakhmetova T. G. Traditional rituals of the Zakamsky Udmurts: Structure. Semantics. Folklore. - Tartu: University Press, 2003. - 257 p. - (Dissertationes Folkloristicae Universitatis Tartuensis; N 2).

Mikhailov T. M. Iz istorii buryatskogo shamanizma (s drevneyshikh vremen po XVIII V.) [From the history of Buryat shamanism (from ancient times to the XVIII century)].

Nurieva I. M. Music in the ritual culture of Zavyatsky Udmurts: Problems of cultural context and traditional thinking. Izhevsk: UIIYAL Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 1999, 272 p. (in Russian)

Popova E. V. Calendar rites of besermyans. Izhevsk: UIIYAL Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2004, 256 p. (in Russian)

Prokopyev M. Easter Monday at the votyaks of Mamadysh uyezd // Foreign review. Kazan, 1916, vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 124-126.

Prostranstvo v traditsionnoi kul'tury mongol'skikh narodov [Space in the traditional culture of Mongolian peoples].

Rudenko S. P. Bashkirs: historical and ethnographic essays. Ufa: Kitay Publ., 2006, 376 p. (in Russian)

Salmin A. K. System of religion of the Chuvash people. St. Petersburg: Nauka Publ., 2007, 654 p. (in Russian)

Suleymanova M. P. Pre-Islamic beliefs and rituals of Bashkirs. Ufa: Bashkir State University, 2005, 146 p.

Tatar-Russian dictionary: in 2 volumes-Kazan: Magarif, 2007. - Vol. 1. - 726 p.

Urazmanova R. K. Rites and holidays of the Tatars of the Volga region and the Urals (Annual cycle of the XIX-early XX centuries) - Kazan: Press House, 2001, 196 p. - (Historical and ethnographic Atlas of the Tatar people).

Chernykh A.V. Russian folk calendar in the Kama region: Feasts and Rituals of the late XIX-mid XX centuries-Perm: Pushka Publ., 2006. - Hours . 1: Spring, Summer, autumn. - 368 p.

Shutova P. P., Kapitonov V. P., Kirillova L. E., Ostanina T. I. Historical and cultural landscape of the Kama-Vyatka region. Izhevsk: UIIYAL Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2009, 244 p. (in Russian)

Munkacsi B. Votjak nepkolteszeti hagyomanyok. - Budapest: Magyar tudomanyos Akademia, 1887. - 335 1.

The article was submitted to the editorial Board on 16.03.12, in the final version-on 26.12.12.

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