Libmonster ID: IN-1323
Author(s) of the publication: F. YURLOV

Speaking in Beijing in the summer of 2003, Vajpayee, then the head of the government, emphasized that India and China, as "two huge developing countries at approximately the same stage of development, with the same neighbors, pursuing the same growth trajectory with comparable economic priorities and similar political ambitions, inevitably cause problems." the desire to compare... There is always a sense of rivalry between two close and equal neighbors. We must focus on the simple truth that there are no objective reasons for disagreements between us, and there is no threat of attack. " 1

INDIA AND CHINA-EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES FOR BOTH SIDES?

The topic of equality between the two countries was not mentioned for the first time, but it is quite obvious that today the Chinese economy is larger than the Indian one. Although both countries have achieved rapid, sustainable economic development, the pace of progress is markedly different. China has achieved the highest economic growth in human history , with GDP per capita growing at an average rate of 8% in the decade from 1990 to 2000. Per capita income, measured at purchasing power parity, was $ 3,976. In India, the comparable figures were 4.4% and $ 2,358. Today, China is the largest recipient of direct investment among developing countries - $ 52 billion in 2002, India - $ 4 billion. in the same year. China's exports in 2001 were $ 320 billion, India's $ 35 billion. The share of finished products in China's exports was 90%, India-77%2 .

All this gives reason for some analysts to talk about the urgent need to make additional efforts to build up India's economic power. Harsh V. Pant of the University of Notre Dame in Indiana (USA) believes that " until India gets its economy in order, it will remain a minor power even in Asia. At the same time, China is an Asian power that all countries of the world will turn to to solve their problems in Asia." "India cannot ignore China's growing influence in Asia and the world," he continues. "It should strengthen its economic and military power without looking at others. India should also bear in mind that its over-preoccupation with the problems of relations with Pakistan reduces it to the level of a regional power, while China can claim the status of an Asian and global power."3

However, a number of politicians and scientists believe that India has some advantages


Continuation. For the beginning, see "Asia and Africa Today", 2005, N 4.

page 16


before China. For example, Yasheng Huang of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Tarun Khanna of the Harvard Business School (USA) assume that China and India are growing world powers. But India still cannot match China in terms of key macroeconomic indicators. However, at the microeconomic level, it shows the same dynamism as China. India is " making good use of its resources and has chosen a path that can lead to more sustainable progress." It is constantly building up its economic power "from below", while China is implementing its reforms"from above". This shows the difference in the political systems of both countries: India is a democracy, but China is not. While India does not have an advantage over China, it performs better in some key areas, such as software. This success may help India to catch up and even overtake China.4 The debate in India over how the economic potentials of China and India relate has been going on for quite some time. At least, we can say that it became noticeably more active in the 1990s after the beginning of economic reforms. Now more and more Indian scientists and politicians are inclined to believe that India is closer to China in terms of economic development and can even maintain faster economic growth than China. They believe that in the 1990s, China's growth rates were on par with India's, despite the fact that investment in China accounted for 40% of GDP, and in India - about 24%. This suggests that China is using its resources less efficiently than India. If India manages to increase investment to 30% of GDP, then even at the current level of efficiency, the growth rate of the Indian economy may exceed China's. Currently, the growth potential in India looks better, as it has not used all the opportunities to attract investment. In China, on the contrary, the level of investment is so high that it cannot significantly increase them. The main conclusion: "If we focus on economic development, we can overtake China over the next decade." 5

INDIA-CHINA RELATIONS-PROBLEMS STILL REMAIN

Despite the detente of recent years, there are many problems in Sino-Indian relations. Among them is the expansion of military cooperation between China and Pakistan. Therefore, India is forced to assess its security by taking into account the military power and nuclear arsenals of China, as well as the military potential of Pakistan, relations with which, including on the Kashmir issue, have remained tense for more than half a century.

In general, India-China relations can be described as quite complex. However, the possibilities for improving them are far from exhausted. This is reflected, in particular, in a certain similarity in the positions of both countries on such major issues as the creation of a multipolar world, the attitude to the policy of a single superpower, and strengthening the role of the UN in international affairs.

Like China, India is striving to achieve the status of a great Power with nuclear weapons. Like China, India is moving towards this status gradually, "in a slow hurry." Given its size and scale, this rate seems to be quite justified. Similar positions of India and China on a number of major international issues are also close to Russia, which creates an objective basis for cooperation between the three powers. At the same time, the formation of a "triangle", "axis" or "block" of the three countries is hardly possible and appropriate, taking into account not only the nature of bilateral relations in the" triangle " Moscow-Delhi-Beijing, but also the fact that each of these countries pursues its own independent foreign policy, in particular where their positions don't always match.

Nevertheless, efforts to bring the positions of Russia, India and China closer together continue. Thus, the joint Russian-Indian declaration of 2004 notes with satisfaction the fact of regular meetings of the Foreign Ministers of the three countries. According to the declaration, these meetings are useful for developing mutual understanding and finding areas of possible cooperation at the trilateral and international levels. The trilateral meetings express serious concern about the spread of terrorism in all its manifestations. Russia and India are convinced of the need to expand trilateral ties that can promote social and economic cooperation between the three countries .6

Considering the importance of interaction between Russia, India and China, we cannot ignore the US response to this. It is likely that Washington will continue the policy of balance of power in relation to these three countries. Some American scientists believe that the creation of a multipolar world can be prevented if the United States develops bilateral relations separately with China, Russia and India.

INDIA AND THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION

The creation of the Shanghai Five (April 1996), consisting of Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, and its subsequent transformation into the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO, June 2001) with the accession of Uzbekistan, significantly changed the political landscape of the Eurasian continent. The SCO covers countries with a population of about 1.5 billion. people on an area of two-thirds of the entire territory of Eurasia. I already have the stated goals of this organization, which is open for membership in other countries.-

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The ongoing results of its activities create additional opportunities for both bilateral and multilateral cooperation between the SCO member states.

The main principles of the SCO's activities - non-alignment and non-targeting of other countries, as well as solving all problems in the spirit of equality, mutual trust and cooperation - open up prospects for other states, primarily in the Asian region, to join the organization.

The creation of a Single SCO Anti-Terrorist Center and the signing of documents on a nuclear-free zone in Central Asia by the SCO countries indicate that at the current stage this organization acts mainly as a regional security structure, which can turn into an important economic factor in the event of: a) deepening cooperation between the SCO countries, including in the economic sphere, and b) expansion of the membership of this organization.

So far, there are two applications for membership in this organization - from Pakistan (since 2000) and Mongolia. The leaders of Afghanistan and Mongolia participated as observers at the SCO summit in Tashkent in July 2004. Among the adopted documents was the "Regulation on the status of observers". The decision to admit Pakistan to the SCO in one capacity or another did not take place, as it could have made it difficult for other countries, primarily India, to join the organization.

In turn, India's participation in the SCO, which was widely discussed at unofficial levels, was associated with a number of other problems. First of all, India cannot ignore the factor of the United States, which is closely monitoring changes in the balance of power in the Asian region and does not want to miss the opportunity to control the situation in it. This is evidenced by the fact that the United States has shown interest in the SCO and expressed a desire to participate in it as an observer.

Despite the normalization of relations with China, India still has border problems with this country. In addition, India is positioning itself as a future great power. Therefore, its participation in the SCO is possible only on a parity basis with China, which is currently the leader in this organization.

It should not be ignored that China's main trade and economic interests lie not in the SCO countries, but in East and South-East Asia. This region is becoming the center of Asian integration. By 2010, China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN, which includes Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Myanmar, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam) will establish the world's largest free trade area in the region. Japan and South Korea may join it later. ASEAN is open to cooperation with other countries, including Russia. There is an agreement to hold the first Russia - ASEAN summit in Malaysia in 2005.

Participating as guests at the 10th ASEAN Summit in Vientiane (Laos) in November-December 2004, China, Japan and South Korea signed a trilateral action plan. China's desire to play a central role in the integration processes in Asia is noteworthy. According to Western experts, this active economic activity of the PRC is aimed at weakening the influence of the United States in the Asian region.

India also participated in the 10th ASEAN Summit, where it signed an Agreement on Peace, Progress and Prosperity between it and ASEAN. Indian observers noted that the most important meeting was between the Prime Ministers of India and China. Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao told Manmohan Singh, " Our handshake will attract the world's attention."

At the same time, the practical results of India's policy in the Eastern direction are still noticeably lagging behind what China has already achieved in the same region. All these circumstances cannot but influence India's decision to participate in the SCO 7. Answering a question about India's possible participation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization during the visit of the Russian President Vladimir Putin, During his visit to India in December 2004, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh stated that India is a member of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia and is ready to contribute to ensuring peace, security and mutual trust in Central Asia both bilaterally and within regional international organizations. India's interest in the SCO is supported by several countries, including Russia .8

THE IDEA OF CREATING AN INDIA - USA - ISRAEL UNION

Recently, some Indian politicians have begun to promote the idea of creating an India - US - Israel strategic alliance. This idea was particularly pronounced during the visit of Israeli Prime Minister Aaron Sharon to India in September 2003. The influential Times of India newspaper wrote in this regard: "The invitation of Mr. Sharon shows that India is no longer shy about its relations with Israel, and in fact even clearly demonstrates their importance"... " New Delhi has long considered Tel Aviv as a way to an influential Jewish lobby in the United States and the American economy. administration. The pleasant expectation of a powerful trinity of the United States, Israel, and India has been further reinforced by the September 11, 2001 disaster and the claims of some militant Islamists that these three countries are enemies of Islam."9

In this context, some Indian analysts talk about the" chimera " of non-alignment, about useless conversations on software-

page 18


An example of the Indo-Sino-Russian triangle is that during World War II, imperialist Britain, the Republican United States, and the authoritarian Soviet Union joined forces to defeat Hitler. Why don't India, the United States and Israel join forces in a new war against terrorism? At the very least, they write, we can say that there is indeed a solid foundation for the development and strengthening of the India - US - Israel strategic axis. After all, these three countries are now the "main" targets of terror in the world and will remain so for the foreseeable future.

India's deepening ties with Israel are confirmed by the two countries ' military cooperation. From Israel, with the consent of the United States, Falcon early warning systems and Barak anti-missile systems were received; cooperation is expected in the construction of submarines and the creation of Searcher-2 and Heron unmanned aerial vehicles (some of these tools have already been delivered to India). According to some sources, Israel has become the second largest supplier of weapons and military equipment to India after Russia. In 2004, its arms sales to India reached $ 1.5 billion. (in Russia, this figure is about $ 2 billion annually). At the same time, it is worth noting the high growth rate of arms trade between Israel and India -by the time the government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party came to power in 1998, it was only $ 250 million. It is also important to emphasize that Israel supplies mainly high-tech weapons and military equipment .10 The Israelis are also helping to train the Indian military for counterterrorism, to create an electronic fence on the India-Pakistan border, and in the eastern sector of India to prevent the flow of illegal immigrants. The Indian press also mentions cooperation between India and Israel during the armed conflict in Kargil in 1999.

Some of the protagonists of the mentioned axis state: India must abandon Nehru's "romantic" approach to foreign policy in the interests of a democratic world, including Israel and the United States. However, there are other voices in India that warn that the United States has long viewed Pakistan as a "moderate" force in the Islamic world, and now, despite the fact that there is strong evidence of the significant role of the Pakistani government in promoting terrorism, America considers it its ally in the fight against terror. As for Israel, it is undecided in its attitude towards Pakistan. In addition, India disagrees with the United States and Israel in its assessment of Iran's foreign policy. New Delhi maintains good relations with Tehran, and the United States and Israel regard Iran as one of the epicenters of global terrorism .11

In general, many politicians in India are in favor of cooperation with the United States and Israel in the fight against terrorism, but express doubts about the creation of an India - US - Israel axis. Nevertheless, India's cooperation with Israel is actively developing. In November 2004, negotiations were held in New Delhi between the two countries ' representative delegations. Their joint statement noted that the two sides "had a constructive exchange of views on a wide range of issues in the spirit of friendship and mutual understanding."

INDIA - EU

India is actively engaged in dialogue with the European Union and individual European countries, including France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. In October 2002, the third India-EU summit was held in Copenhagen, focusing on economic ties. Later, the OPA government confirmed its readiness to step up ties with the European Union. The next India-EU summit was held in The Hague in November 2004, with the participation of Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh13 .

In the global context, the task is to develop relations with countries in Africa, Central America, Latin America and such Pacific countries as Australia, New Zealand, Fiji, etc.

India will push for more equal relations between developed and developing countries.-

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developing countries in the political, economic and technological fields. It will also work towards gradual nuclear disarmament on the basis of equal security for all countries.

The Vajpayee-led Government expressed its vision of the future world order as multipolar, with India as one of these poles, and the need to develop an adequate response to doctrines aimed at undermining the sovereignty of independent States and asserting the right of individual Powers to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries.

In essence, the US Government takes the same position when it declares the need to strengthen multipolarity in the global political and economic system14 .

STRENGTHENING TIES WITH THE INDIAN DIASPORA

Special attention is paid to strengthening ties with the 20 million Indian diaspora in different countries of the world. To this end, the OPA Government has created a special ministry to work in this area. The Minister for Overseas Indian Affairs, Jagdish Tytler, at a meeting of Persons of Indian Descent (LPA) in Durban, South Africa, in November 2004, highlighted the great achievements of LPA in a number of countries. In particular, he said that Indians control 80% of software businesses and healthcare facilities in the US, Canada and the UK. He also stated that by 2020 India will become "the most powerful intellectual country in the world". This is evidenced by the fact that India already provides the world with one million programmers 15 . One can argue how accurate these figures are. But the real fact is that India has really made great strides not only in these areas, but also in many other areas of intellectual work.

The largest and most dynamic Indian diaspora is concentrated in the United States. It has up to 2 million people. Among them, in addition to doctors and lawyers, there are teachers of exact sciences in universities and colleges, a large number of businessmen connected not only with high technologies, but also with more "earthly" business-trade, finance, maintenance of hotels, motels, restaurants, pharmacies, etc. In general, the Indian community has managed to establish itself as a hardworking one, a law-abiding, well-to-do, well-to-do part of American society that enjoys considerable authority among representatives of different ethnic groups and cultures 16 . The first large wave of Indian immigrants arrived in America in the mid-60s at the height of the Vietnam War. Then there was an acute shortage of doctors in the United States, as many of them were called up to serve the huge contingent of American servicemen in Vietnam. The US authorities in search of doctors turned their attention to India, which was widely known for qualified doctors who gained credibility in many countries, primarily in the UK. They also knew English. Indian doctors were followed by representatives of other professions and specialties, mainly people with higher education, many of whom had academic degrees and titles. The second major wave of Indian immigration to the United States was associated with the development of information technology, computer technology, and computer software. Its peak occurred in the 90s.

The greatest success of American Indians has been achieved in information technology. The companies they set up in this sector are valued at more than $ 300 billion. Thousands of Indian millionaires live in California's Silicon Valley alone. Most of them are engaged in the information business, including software.

Chidanand Rajghatta, author of a book about Silicon Valley Indians, writes: "500,000 Indians, 50,000 a year, have arrived in the United States over the past decade. They represent the best of India - the cream of Indian talent. Those who came to America earlier-in the 80s-reached the top in business and professional careers. They were able to use the tidal wave of the technological explosion in the United States, which began thanks to the activities of such large companies as Hewlett Packard, Microsoft, Cisco, and others. " 17 The activities of successful Indians in America are not limited to information technology. Among them there are major managers, bankers, brokers, heads of firms 18 .

The success of Indian immigrants in the United States is directly related to up to-

page 20


India's achievements in higher education, including mathematics. India is actively developing high-tech information technologies, software and computer equipment. Indian immigrants are using this Indian potential to attract engineers living in India to work in their companies.

The development of high technologies in India is accompanied by the creation of numerous companies that are successful in this field. Its own Indian "Silicon Valley" appeared in Bangalore (Karnataka). India's success in this area is reflected in the fact that 140 of the world's 500 largest companies use Indian software .19

At the same time, the majority of American Indians are engaged in ordinary activities that are necessary for every country and every city. They are present in many areas of American business and public life. And yet, there are specific areas of application of their work and talent. In many ways, they are connected with the traditional activities of their families in India itself. Thus, the followers of Mahavira Jaina brought to their new homeland the manufacture and trade of jewelry - one of the traditional occupations for which they were famous for many centuries. High professionalism in this business allows them to successfully compete with other entrepreneurs.

The propensity of Indians to practice law helps them to navigate fairly freely in American law. And the Indians themselves in the United States are more willing to resort to the services of their compatriots - lawyers, without whom you will not set foot in this country. Indian lawyers who specialize in immigration-related issues are particularly successful.

One of the areas in which American Indians have managed to prove themselves as skilled businessmen is the maintenance of motels and small hotels. Many of the motels in some parts of the country are owned by Indians, who often manage them on the basis of a kind of"family contract". Without resorting to hired labor, a large family, which includes not only parents, but also several married sons with wives and children, fully ensures customer service and maintaining order in a motel or hotel. Everyone works regardless of time and weekends, but all the income goes to the common family piggy bank and is actively used to expand the business.

In the context of a heterogeneous American society with its vast diversity, each component of which is somehow proud of its historical past, it is perfectly normal to emphasize the spiritual or family-related connection with the historical homeland. This applies to everyone-British, Irish, Germans, Chinese, Russians (which means all immigrants from the USSR and Russia), etc.

Indians are no exception, especially since they have a thousand-year-old, huge and diverse culture and civilization behind them. The appeal of Indian immigrants to their roots seems quite natural and logical, and in the conditions of today's America does not raise perplexing questions.

The constant connection with the historical homeland of the Indian diaspora is also supported by a great interest in America on the part of Indian businessmen, public and cultural figures, as well as politicians. They use contacts with Indian-Americans to develop business, cultural, and political relations with the United States. Every year, Indian Americans transfer billions of dollars to India. The Indian diaspora is an important tool for strengthening ties between the two countries. Indian communities in America are quite successful in lobbying for their own interests, and more broadly for India's interests, both locally and nationally.

SOUTH ASIA IS A PRIORITY AREA OF INDIA'S FOREIGN POLICY

Modern Indian foreign policy is characterized by pragmatism, a realistic assessment of current events in the world, and a global coverage of the main economic and political problems facing the world community. At the same time, India attaches great importance to regional security issues and cooperation with South Asian States.

One of the main priorities of Indian foreign policy is to activate and consolidate relations with neighboring States, strengthen peace and security in the region surrounding India as a result of mutually beneficial cooperation and create a climate of long-term trust and mutual respect for the legitimate interests of each country. 20

In the Manifesto for the April-May 2004 parliamentary elections, the then-ruling National Democratic Alliance outlined the following foreign policy priorities for the next five years.

Continue dialogue with Pakistan to fully resolve all issues, including Jammu and Kashmir, based on the Joint Agreement signed in Islamabad in February 2004, which aims to improve relations between the two countries. At the same time, India assumes that Pakistan will respect the inviolability of the "Line of Control" and the international border, put an end to cross-border terrorism and dismantle all the infrastructure of terrorism on its territory. India will also seek to strengthen the process of building the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), step up efforts to create a free trade zone in this region, and establish South Asia as a whole.-

page 21


the Asian Economic Union with a single currency for this region. The task is to change the image and position of South Asia in the world, to make the transition from distrust to trust, from disagreements to agreement, from tension to peace. Speaking at the SAARC Summit in Islamabad in early 2004, the then Prime Minister of India, A. B. Vajpayee, stated: "The countries of this region have the potential, talent and resources to make South Asia the economic engine of the world. The only thing that is needed is the political will to do this. " 21

Since coming to power in May 2004, the OPA Government has also stated that it attaches the highest priority to closer political, economic and other ties with its neighbors in South Asia and the strengthening of SAARC. Special attention should be paid to regional projects related to water resources, energy and ecology.

Dialogue with Pakistan on all outstanding issues should be conducted on a sustainable basis within the framework of the Simla Agreement (1972) and subsequent agreements between the two countries, including the Joint Statement of January 6, 2004 (signed on the Indian side by the Government headed by A. B. Vajpayee). The OPA Government also stated that the issue of Jammu and Kashmir should be resolved only on a bilateral basis, without the involvement of a third party .22

The OPA Government continued its efforts to normalize relations with Pakistan. In November 2004, Manmohan Singh announced India's new initiatives in this direction (previously discussed at a meeting with President Pervez Musharraf in New York during the UN General Assembly meetings in September 2004). These initiatives contain two prerequisites. First , there can be no revision of international borders. Second , there should be no redistribution of regions (in Kashmir), which would be of a communal and religious nature, since the fate of 150 million people should not be jeopardized. muslims living in India. Given these conditions, everything can be discussed. Delhi will be open to negotiations with anyone who can offer a solution to how to achieve peace. India may be ready for the same level of "autonomy" for Jammu and Kashmir that Pakistan would offer to its part of Kashmir. Reciprocity in the issue of" autonomy "for both parts of Kashmir, open borders, and cooperation between the two sides will help create an atmosphere of" peace without borders " in which solutions to Kashmiri identity can be found. Some Indian media outlets have called these initiatives India's "new road map" 23 . The joint meetings of the representatives of India and Pakistan involve dialogue on many related issues with the aim of reaching a solution that would satisfy the peoples of Jammu and Kashmir, India and Pakistan .24

India is stepping up its "face East" policy in order to deepen relations with ASEAN; developing economic cooperation between the BIMST member countries (Burma, India, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand); takes measures for cooperation with Cambodia (for example, the implementation of the Ganga-Mekong project); deepens economic cooperation with both Korean states. Great importance is attached to the strategic partnership with Japan.

The task is to give a new impetus to traditional contacts with the countries of West Asia and restore centuries-old ties with the countries of Central Asia.

The OPA Government expresses its full support for the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people.

(The ending follows)

-----

1 "Frontline", New Delhi. July 05 - 18, 2003.

2 Human Development Report 2003. Published for the United Nations Development Programme. New York, Oxford. Oxford University Press, 2003, p. 73; see also: Kondrashova L. It's too early to put a point: the "third act" of the Chinese Reform has Begun / / Asia and Africa Today, 2004, No. 10, pp. 27-35.

Harsh V. Pant. 3 Does India Have a China Policy? // "Asian Affairs". London, New Delhi et al. Vol. 7, N 79, May 2003, p. 26, 27.

Yasheng Huang and Tarun Khanna. 4 Can India Overtake China? // "Foreign Policy", New York, Washington DC, July-August 2003, p. 74 - 81.

Subramaniam Swamy. 5 The Economy: is China ahead? // "The Hindu", 14.01.2003. On this topic, see also: Yashkin V. A. Economy of India, China and Russia: some results of the comparative analysis // India: socio-economic problems and ways of their solution, Moscow, 2003, pp. 81-102.

6 Joint Declaration by the Russian Federation and the Republic of India. 03.12.2004.

7 See: Xia Yishan. Osobennosti, vliyanie i perspektivy razvitiya Shankhaiskoi organizatsii sotrudnichestva [Features, influence and prospects of development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization]. Problemy, perspektivy, napravleniya [Problems, prospects, directions], vol. 1, Moscow, 2004, pp. 136-143; Luzyanin S. T. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as an experience of regional cooperation // Ibid., pp. 143-148; Nezavisimaya Gazeta. 01.12.2004; Mira Sinha Bhatacharjea. India and China. Hastening Slowly // "Frontline", 18 - 31.12.2004; People's Democracy. 05.12.2004.

8 Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 03.12.2004.

9 "The Times of India", 08.09.2003.

10 Ibid.

11 "The Indian Express", 05.10.2003; "Frontline", Nov. 20-Dec. 03, 2004; "Frontline", 04 - 07.12.2004.

12 "Frontline", Nov. 20- Dec. 03, 2004.

13 President's Address to the Joint Session of Parliament. 07.06.2004.

14 "The Hindu", 19.11.2004.

15 "The Indian Express", 17.12.2004.

16 New Generation of Indian Americans Creating Waves in US // NDTV-MSNBC Online, 10.08.2000.

Swaminathan S. Anklesariya Aiyer. 17 Indians Succeeded, India Fails // "The Times of India", 26.12.1999.

18 "India Today". Appendix to the journal "Asia and Africa Today", 2000, N 8, p. 25.

19 India and the World // India 2004. Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India. New Delhi, 2004, p. 405.

20 "Indian Bulletin". Bulletin of the Embassy of India in Russia. 2004, No. 1, p. 5.

21 President's Address to the Joint Session of Parliament. 07.06.2004; "The Week", June 13, 2004.

22 "The Hindu", 19.11.2004.

23 "The Hindu", 22.11.2004.

Yashwant Sinha. 24 Aspects of India's foreign policy. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. New Delhi, 2003, pp. 69, 70, 202.


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