In memory of Boris Ivanovich Klyuev

Verbal formulas are used not only in the ritual and religious sphere. In the life of societies, especially at moments of the highest social, political or natural tension, verbal formulas generated by the culture of an ethnic group act as national symbols. "Dharma of Maharashtra "and" Maharashtra asmita " were traditionally perceived as special spiritual signs of the Marathi-speaking region of India, but in fact they have long turned into semantic dummies, reflecting only an opportunistic meaning. They have in fact acquired a significant status, and their use of words has a label-pragmatic character, being aimed at mobilizing the efforts of society in order to fulfill the tasks set.

The phrase " Maharashtra dharma "(maharastradharma, or" Maharashtra dharma") is unproductive in the sense that, by analogy with this syntagmatic model, there are no toponymic dharmas of other socio-cultural or administrative regions of India .2 Traditionally, "dharma of Maharashtra" is associated with the name of the founder of the Maratha State Shivaji (1630-1680). American historian Stuart Gordon notes: "Twentieth-century Brahmin historians, beginning with Radzwade, especially wanted to prove that Shivaji was guided by brahmin advisors from early childhood, and that he had an idea of a state based on something called the dharma of Maharashtra. Much of this, if not absolutely all of it, as subsequent studies have shown, was an artifact created by researchers, and not a fact of the period. The only voicing of the dharma of Maharashtra occurs in a text dating from four centuries before Shivaji. And this text details only relations between castes, and not any Hindu political program. Nor is there any evidence of a connection between this text and Shivaji. " 3

The text hinted at by S. Gordon is "Mahikavati-bakhar" ( Mahikavatici bakhar or Mahimci bakhar-after the name of the historical district of Mahikavati/Mahim, now part of Bombay; the text is also referred to as Bimbasthanci bakhar) was published by the Marathi historian V. K. Radzwade in 1923.4 and is considered the oldest example of the prose genre of bakhar, loosely retelling the events of political history. 5 The text, consisting of six chapters written by different authors at different times, was formed into a single whole in the XVII century (at the same time, probably, the definition of bakkhar was attached to it ) and tells about events from the accession of King Pratap Bimba (1138) to the appearance of the Portuguese in the Konkan territory (1500). Each chapter contains the time of compilation;

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The earliest is the second, created in verse form by the brahmin Keshavacharya in 1448. In it, the author refers to the events of the early 14th century and, based on a dream seen by a kshatriya Nayak Rav, lists the rules of behavior of clans and castes recommended for the inhabitants of Maharashtra, which imply a strict social hierarchy and a clear performance of the rituals of the life and calendar cycles. At the same time, he consistently refers to the Indian philosopher of the VIII-IX centuries Shankaracharya, who became famous, in particular, for regulating strict caste regulations.

The corresponding lexeme " dharma "in the sense of" duty, duty "is found in Keshavacharya's sermon about 20 times, 6 of which five times-in the neighborhood of the toponym" Maharashtra "(or"Marashtra"). In the first of five cases, it is reported that after learning about the general decline in morals. The goddess (Devi) "sent King Naik-rava a dream to protect the dharma maharastra." Here, the lexeme "dharma "is in the preposition to" Maharashtra", which casts doubt on the defining function of the latter. Given the grammatical ellipsis and / or ambiguous nature of the relationship between the components of a complex word, the text can be understood as "for the protection of dharmic Maharashtra..." or "...dharma for the protection of Maharashtra Naik-rava in a dream gave" or "...a dream [about correct actions] for the protection of dharma and Maharashtra gave". A few lines below, the Goddess is called the " protector of the dharma of Maharashtra (maharastra-dharmaraksika )", which can be translated as "protector of the dharma [in] Maharashtra" and "protector of Maharashtra [and] dharma". An additional extraphilological argument in favor of such options is that the next line refers to "a dream [sent]by a human being." A goddess to protect her dharma (svadharma)", vol.e. dharmas of varna, caste, clan, clan, etc.

After two and a half pages of the text, Shankaracharya is called the avatar of Mahadev (Shiva), and his birth is justified by the need to restore hierarchical ties in society; while Shankaracharya is characterized as snja-gadguru dharma marastrace sodaskarmadhikari. In the third case of the neighborhood of "dharma" and "Maharashtra", "dharma" (the noun M. R.) again precedes the genitive form of "Maharashtra", which acts as the definition of M. R. plural to the composite "overseer of sixteen rituals", used in relation to Shankaracharya, by the way, a native of Kerala. In the fourth case - the only one where the translation "Maharashtra dharma" looks the most preferable - the combination maharastradharma is the definition of the word "place" (sthan), and the sentence as a whole specifies the area of distribution of "Maharashtra dharma", located between Svetambaradharameshwar (in the south). Kashi (in the north), Dwarka (in the west) and Tulzapur (in the east). This statement does not reflect the historically reliable living space where the Marathi-speaking ethnic group existed, and the "dharma of Maharashtra" in fact remains without localization. In the fifth case, there is another sequence where "dharma" again appears in the preposition to "Maharashtra" and has its own definition - " main "(mul) - muldharma marastra snan guru-upades mantrajap pratyahi karava - which, taking into account the recommendatory nature of the subjunctive mood used (karava), can be translated as " main dharma [for] Maharashtra, take a bath, [heed] the guru's instructions, and chant the mantra every day."

The discrepancy in the examples indicates that there was no fixed composite of maharastradharma at the time of the creation of the text, projected at an even earlier time (the beginning of the XIV century) using references to the authority of Shankara, who lived in the VIII-IX centuries. In addition, the grammatical classification of complex word types allows us to consider this combination as dvandva ("Maharashtra [and] dharma"), tatpurusha ("dharma [in/for] Maharashtra/s") or karmadharaya ("Maharashtra dharma"). All other (about 15) cases of the appearance of the lexeme "dharma" in the text are not characterized toponymically, but they are randomly linked to the Shang-

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sometimes with Kara, then with Devi, and once with "dharma protector Mahadev, who took the avatar of a Kolhapur woman" 7 . Shankara, whose reform and propaganda activities aimed at strengthening Hinduism took place mainly outside the area defined in different periods as Maharashtra, and in the Marathi-speaking area is the bearer of the epithets " Dharma Teacher "(dharmaguru) and "Founder of the dharma Empire" (dharmasamrajyaca samsthapak) , 8 so that the consecration of the dharma rehabilitation process by his name it is in line with the Indian tradition. This, however, does not make the dharma "Maharashtra", not to mention that Shankara did not defend the dharma (in the context of his work - the religious foundations of Hinduism) from the Muslims who appeared in India and especially in the Marathi-speaking region several centuries after his death, although the text of the second chapter describes this period.

Despite the fact that Mahikavati-Bakhar does not confirm the existence of the dharma of Maharashtra as an established concept, V. K. Radzvade in the afterword to the publication considers it as such and defines its essence in his own words .9 In his opinion, the first sign of the "dharma of Maharashtra" should be considered recognition of the superiority of a brahmana who performs the role of guru in society. The second sign is that the dharma of Maharashtra is the "soul" (jiv) of all other dharmas. The third essential feature of the Maharashtra dharma is realized in daily bathing. V. K. Radzvade also explains that Keshavacharya and Naik-rav instruct (i.e., it is logical to assume that this was not fixed in the consciousness) the brahmins and kshatriyas who gathered for the feast in the need to "create a uniform society and statehood, assert their own dharma, their own culture, and their own culture." power, your own language and thereby make good money." The historian calls this plan of action, meaning " the dharma of Maharashtra, "by his own term," pravrtti-dharma, "i.e.," the dharma of action, the active attitude of life. " 10 As a result, he comes to the conclusion that the "dharma of Maharashtra" is not the religious foundations of the region, but "the dharma of the country + the dharma of the caste + the dharma of the clan + the dharma of the clan + the religion" 11 , in other words - "Maharashtra everything". Thus, V. K. Radzwade, who interpreted the Maharashtra dharma as" victory-oriented " (jaisnu dharma) 12 even before he discovered the Mahikavati-bakkhara, chose not to notice the fact that the text was mainly about the dharma that should have been established in Maharashtra, i.e., India.e. dharma was seen as a means of "keeping" the region in dharmic integrity.

This understanding, in particular, is confirmed by the text that recorded the earliest manifestation of special admiration for Maharashtra, i.e. regional consciousness: "Maharashtra is sattvic... Maharashtra itself does not commit evil and does not allow others to do so. Maharashtra is the place where dharma is performed. " 13 With these words in the Sutrapatha (collection of sayings of the founder of the Chakradhara sect)compiled by followers of the Mahanubhava sect at the end of the 13th and beginning of the 14th centuries Without any subjunctive, it was stated that dharma was all right in Maharashtra.

Another text that records the use of the word "dharma of Maharashtra" is the Gurucharitrya by Saraswati Gangadhar, written around 1538.14 The main content of this text is the life of Narasimha Saraswati (1378-1458), the founder of the Datta cult in Maharashtra, and the Gurucharitrya is still a kind of "bible" of the adepts of the god Dattatreya in Maharashtra. Narasimha Saraswati, dissatisfied with the situation of Maharashtra residents under the rule of Muslim rulers, appealed to the Brahmins, reminding them of their leading role in society and urging them to respect the Vedas, follow the four life ashrams, observe vows, etc. Describing the decline in morals in society.-

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However, the author linked his well-being with the exemplary behavior of a ruler who should be a servant of the Brahmins (viprasevak). Following this condition (aisa ha rav asta) and observing the " dharma of Maharashtra / in Maharashtra "(maharastrad-harmi vartata - lit. "living in"), such a king "will certainly not behave in anger - know this! "(apla dves tatvata / na karil ki janpa).

Thus, in both sources, the ambiguous and difficult to translate term "dharma" is used by brahmins in the sense of "moral and religious core", which ensures the spiritual and social stability of society, which is achieved primarily by recognizing the leadership of the Brahmins and following the ritual they perform. Both authors relate their recommendations and prescriptions to a certain cultural and geographical space, imposing general norms on it and, ultimately, paving the way for the formation of the cultural and geographical composite "dharma Maharashtra". So S. Gordon justifiably denies the existence of a" Hindu political program " embedded in this phrase in the times preceding Shivaji. Just as in ancient Russian works written in different centuries and places, the motif of "fabulously rich India" 15 suddenly appears, so the court chronicler (twice) and the follower of Datta (once) mention maharastradharma, which indicates that in their "mental programs" there were common or overlapping elements of traditional representations, which, in conjunction with the native toponym, accumulated the potential to turn, under favorable conditions, into a symbol.

After a short break, in the second half of the seventeenth century, the dharma of Maharashtra reappears in the invocations of the militant moralist preacher Ramdas (1608-1681). In a letter to Shivaji, he instructs: "On the whole earth / there is no such dharma protector. / The dharma of Maharashtra has been preserved only / because of you", (ya bhu-mandalacethayi / dharma raksi aisa nahi / maharastradharma rahila kahi / tumhakarita // 10 // ) 16 . In the text of the letter praising Shivaji as the protector of "God, dharma, cows and brahmins", the lexeme "dharma"appears several times, including in the compound words dharmakrtye ("actions [corresponding] to dharma"), dharma-murti ("embodiment of dharma"), dharmasthapna ("establishment of dharma"). The composite maharastradharma appears only once, and in the general context of the epistle there is no obstacle to its understanding as tatpurusha (and not karmadharaya), which justifies its translation as a turnaround with the circumstance - "dharma in Maharashtra". After Shivaji's death, Ramdas addresses his son and successor, Sambhaji, and describes the sufferings of a country that is suffocating under the rule of the "god of despising dogs", formulating his famous cry: "Gather all the Marathas and increase / spread the dharma of Maharashtra!" (Maratha tetuka melvava / apula maharastradharma vadhvava // 8 // ). Since the unflattering characterization refers to non-Muslim conquerors, and Marathi-Hindus are called to unite in the fight against a common enemy, you do not need to have a special ear to catch the call for mobilization in this cry.

Later on, the "dharma of Maharashtra" or "dharma in Maharashtra" is found from time to time in various sources: letters, bakkhars and donations (sanad). Thus, Shahu, Shivaji's grandson, in a letter dated 1735-36, notes that the captivity of a Brahmin family "is not the dharma of Maharashtra (or: it is not the dharma in Maharashtra)." 17 The chronicle "Shivaji's World Victory" (Srisivdigvijay), dated 1818.18, tells about a skilled Maratha warrior from a Kshatriya family who fought on the side of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb against Shivaji, about which the author of the chronicle put into Shivaji's mouth the explanation that fighting with an armed woman is the "dharma of Maharashtra" ("[execution] dharmas in Maharashtra") 19 .

M. G. Ranade (1842-1901), one of the greatest figures of the Marathi" awakening " (prabodhan) of the XIX century, is recognized in the Marathi-speaking region as the founder

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a nationalistic approach to the history of the Marathi-speaking ethnic group. Just as Shivaji is considered the "father of Maharashtra dharma", M. G. Ranada is credited with reviving the "Maharashtra dharma", interpreting it as an established "concept of patriotism" and introducing it to wide usage. It should be noted that the first person to publicly reveal the hidden potential of the Maharashtra Dharma was the Marathi encyclopedist R. S. Bhagwat, who gave an essay on this topic .20 On the basis of an excursion into the political history of Maharashtra, he discovered the origins of the "dharma of Maharashtra" in the Bhagavad-gita and named Dayneshwar (XIII century), the author of the Marathi commentary on the philosophical treatise from the ancient Indian epic "Mahabharata", together with the subsequent propagandists of the ideas of Bhakti (santami), the true founders of the "dharma of Maharashtra". Bhagwat recognized the dharma of Maharashtra as a religion, but decided to make it acceptable to the entire region and stepped over the confessional barrier, saying: "A Marathi is one who has a native language of Marathi. And the dharma of Maharashtra, which can naturally extend to Muslims, should be understood as the dharma of the Bhagavad-gita (bhagavati - dharma), restored by Dayneswar. Without this understanding, there will be no progress. " 21

M. G. Ranade wondered: "What is the dharma of Maharashtra?" in 1894. As a result of his reflections on this topic, his essay "Saints and Preachers of Maharashtra" was published in 1900, and the position expressed in it, due to the author's great authority, acquired the status of a normative one. According to M. G. Ranade, the dharma of Maharashtra is nothing but the patriotic religion of Maharashtra, so closely linked to the political upheaval of the late seventeenth century that led to the formation of the Maratha State that they (religion and politics) cannot be considered separately .23 Assuming that the" national ideal of spiritual perfection was formed " by all the sants-charismatic religious preachers of the XIII-XVII centuries-M. G. Ranade does not distinguish between the views and teachings of these sants, but relies largely on "miraculous elements" in hagiographies that demonstrate the exclusivity of representatives of various persuasions. Combining them all as representatives of the "religious movement", M. G. Ranade concludes: "It (religious movement. - I. G. In all these areas, the government has tried to raise the nation to a higher level in its capacity for thought and action and prepare it, as no other nation in India has been prepared, to lead the restoration of a unified ancestral power instead of foreign domination." 24 This is what M. G. Ranade considered the principal features of the Maharashtra religion and was convinced that Ramdas, who described his homeland suffering under the oppression of non-believers, put this understanding into the "dharma of Maharashtra".

V. K. Radzwade, who expounded his understanding of the dharma of Maharashtra even before he discovered the Mahikavati-Bakkhara, mostly using examples from Ramdas ' work, disagreed with M. G. Ranade in almost everything. The peculiarity of V. K. Radzvade's methodology was, in particular, that it involved a broad historical context and was based on the totality of all texts created by the militant preacher, and not only containing the desired phrase. In one of the prefaces to the publication of historical sources, V. K. Radzvade reports that "the Marathas formed this concept from 1646 to 1796 and for 150 years were guided by it [in their activities]" 25 . In another preface, he clarifies that the basic concept was already formed by 1720 and that "the main activity of the Marathas in Hindustan was to spread the dharma of Maharashtra." 26 V. K. Radzwade considered Ramdas, who called on Shivaji to regulate the ethnic composition of his troops, to be the creator of Maharashtra statehood (rastriytva) and the national idea (rastrabhavna), assigning Shivaji the role of executor .27 And finally, it will last for a long time

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he drove a wedge between the varkaris, followers of the Santas and followers of the merciful god Vithoba, and the Ramdasis, supporters of Ramdas, who decorated the land of Maharashtra with images of the warlike monkey god Maruti (Hanuman), calling Vithoba the embodiment of the "humbling Hindu dharma" (sahisnu hindudharmaci murti), and Maruti-"the banner of the victorious Hindu dharma" (jaisnu hindudharmaca pataka) 28 . Against this background, it is paradoxical that the first issue of the Dharma of Maharashtra book series, published in Satara since 1917, was the manuscript of Dnyaneshwar's commentary on the Bhagavad-gita discovered and edited by V. K. Radzvade; it is Dnyaneshwari that is considered the main sacred text of the Varkari tradition.

P. I. Dzoshi, a researcher of the worldview of V. K. Radzvade, summarized the historian's approach to the question of the "dharma of Maharashtra" as follows: "To achieve one's own statehood, to punish foreigners (yavan), to unite Marathas, to punish hindrances, and the like, are basically the content of Maharashtra's dharma." 29 Thus, in the second half of the twentieth century, the mobilization and even offensive nature of the dharma of Maharashtra was once again confirmed.

However, even 40 years earlier, in 1925, B. V. Bhat, a historian and avid admirer of V. K. Radzwade, had used the Dharma of Maharashtra as a weapon, reflecting what he considered to be a malicious conclusion made in relation to the Marathi Brahmins by an anonymous Bengali author, 30 who claimed that at the time of the Maharashtra Revolution, the dharma of Maharashtra was used as a weapon. Peshwas (Maratha rulers of the 18th and early 19th centuries) "the Maratha Brahmins could not be motivated by patriotic feelings, since patriotism in the current sense did not exist in India at that time" 31 .

Citing his reasons for writing the 508-page work, B. V. Bhat confessed: "There is no unity as to what is the meaning of the word (maharastradharma-I. G.) and what is included in it, but there is an indecision that has become permanent." that there is also confusion among professional historians on this issue .32 Having analyzed in detail the positions of R. S. Bhagwat, M. G. Ranade and V. K. Radzwade, the history of the Marathas from the Yadavs (XII century) to Shivaji and beyond, the concept of dharma in Hindu law and Marathi documentation, as well as caste issues in general, B. V. Bhat agrees with V. K. Radzwade that the era of Bhakti is a very important one. lost time for Maharashtra, and santas have nothing to do with the" dharma of Maharashtra " 33 . He recalls that the originally complex word "Maharashtra dharma" had two meanings: the Kshatriya dharma and the general dharma of all the Aryans of Maharashtra, and sneers at an unnamed author who compared "Maharashtra dharma" to "pride in one's country" (desabhiman), while "Maharashtra dharma" is "the dharma of Maharashtra".patriotism translated into real actions " 34 . B. V. Bhat further concludes that the dharma of Maharashtra should not have a second or third meaning, since it follows that this combination has the same meaning as the dharma described in the Vedas or other srutis and in the books of Manu, Yajnavalkya and other smrtis 35 . Considering the dharma of Maharashtra as an all-encompassing eternity and giving it a sacred status by comparing it with the Vedas and other ancient Indian sacred books, B. V. Bhat additionally identifies nine dharmas that are part of the dharma of Maharashtra: rituals of the life cycle and vows, dharmas of the ruler and people, etc. 36

At the same time, V. B. Bhat again recalls the Bengali author who so annoyed him, and notes that any patriotism is overlaid with feelings contained in the dharma of Maharashtra, and after a few more pages he comes to the conclusion that " love for the motherland is a kind of movement of the soul, while the dharma of Maharashtra it is not connected with any manifestation of the senses, but is a dharma inherent in sruti and smriti. " 37

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V. N. Bhave, also known as Vinoba Bhave, an associate of M. K. Gandhi, based, on the one hand, on the principles of "folk etymology" and developing, on the other, his universalist views, in 1923, explained the name of the monthly magazine "Dharma of Maharashtra", of which he was the sole author: "Despite the fact that the author of the magazine was a member of the Maharashtra movement, the author of which was the fact that "Maharashtra" is limited to the general idea of this word, from the point of view of origin it is very broad. As a "Great Country" it can represent all of India... That is why this word (in the compound word maharastradharma. - I. G.) has a triple meaning: the special, regional dharma of Maharashtra; the all-Indian dharma of the " Great Country "and the all-encompassing dharma of the"Whole Great World". The dharma of Maharashtra may appear dwarfed at first glance, but in reality it is like a Trivikrama covering the entire earth in two steps. " 38 Thus, in V. N. Bhave's interpretation, regional symbolism has risen to the cosmic level.

In the same period, simultaneously with the publication of B. V. Bhat's research, the journal Ramdas and Ramdasi, published in Dhula (Dhulia), began publishing a series of articles entitled "Dharma of Maharashtra" in 1925, which comprehensively examined the religious and political motivations of Shivaji, as well as the role of Ramdas as his adviser 39 . And in the same year, 1925, the famous book of the radical nationalist V. D. Savarkar "Hindupadpadshahi" ("Hindupadpadshahi") 40 was published, which, according to the Italian scholar E. Fasana, turned Ramdas's " dharma of Maharashtra "into Savarkar's "hindupadpadshahi" 41 . As the Indian political scientist R. Vora explained: "Every school of nationalism has tried to establish links with the dharma of Maharashtra or to appropriate and explain this pre-colonial term of national consciousness" and concluded:

"The Dharma of Maharashtra was the name for Maharashtra nationalism, which was rooted in the historical experience and cultural traditions of the people of Maharashtra." 42 Thus, having risen from temporary oblivion, the dharma of Maharashtra, regardless of what it means, was necessary for everyone. Moreover, further "users" of this complex word either adhered to the position of V. K. Radzvade, or to the position of M. G. Ranade, or, despite the incompatibility of Ramdas ' "offensive activity" and Santov's "defensive passivity", synthesized both.

It is not surprising that the Marathi-speaking region of the late 19th and early 20th centuries showed a special, even painfully sharpened attention to the "dharma of Maharashtra". During the period of Prabodhan, the Marathi people formed a pool of their own symbols, 43 which, along with the "nectar of the Marathi language", included the god Vithoba and the sung santas, the heroic past and the brilliant Shivaji, the god Ganesha, and the same verbal formula that did not have an exact meaning, but consisted of parts that were pleasing to the ear - "dharma" and Maharashtra. The lack of unambiguous semantics and the metaphorical use of this complex word as a container in which you can "fill" anything, caused the "dharma of Maharashtra" to turn into a "supra-party" ideologeme that functions as a mobilization slogan.

This is illustrated by the episode of satyagraha (protest action) in Mulshi (1921-1924), when the struggle against flooding of land was justified by the fact that they belong to the inhabitants of Mawal (the area adjacent to the eastern slopes of Sahyadri), the followers of Shivaji, and that Shivaji himself began his struggle for the establishment of swaraj ("own statehood") in these parts.R. Vora, who gave this example, explains: "The fact that volunteers from even remote corners of Maharashtra came to join the Mawalis in their struggle shows that the appeal to the Maharashtra dharma resorted to by the Congress leaders had the desired mobilization effect." 44

The Indian National Congress (INC), which so successfully used the regional mantra during the period of colonial dependence, later, after the country gained freedom, when there was an intra-Indian struggle for a federal structure based on language, ended up ignoring the rhetorical formulas that became sacred in the land of Maharashtra. I didn't fail to mention this

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P. K. Atre (Acharya Atre), a well-known Marathi playwright and satirist, and one of the leaders of the United Maharashtra Movement45 in the 1940s and 1950s. Knowing exactly what strings to play, he always appealed to the dharma of Maharashtra in his speeches and publications in order to awaken the sentimentality hidden in the harsh Marathi hearts. Recalling that the Maharashtra unification movement was started by Shivaji and was held under the famous slogan of Ramdas, he also used other "levers of pressure" on the Marathi psyche: "In order for the Maharashtra language to become even cleaner, more beautiful and richer, and the Maharashtra dharma to become even more powerful, we must bring together [to participate in the elections. - I. G.] 40 million Maharashtra! "46 And when he started publishing the newspaper" Dainik Maratha "(Dainik Maratha), subordinate to the tasks of the "Movement", he used Ramdas's "iconic phrase" (brid - vakya), as well as images of Shivaji, Lokamanya Tilak and Mahatma Phule 47.

It is interesting that Acharya Atre himself became interested in the meaning of the "great mantra" (mahamantra) much later, and in 1968, concluding his memoirs, in the last chapter of the last volume, entitled "Song of the Glory of Maharashtra" (Maharastraci gauravgatha), he probably asks himself: "What is the real essence of this Maharashtra dharma, the very one whose great mantra was uttered by Ramdas?" And he responds using various passages from Ramdas 'work, including this:" You must die in battle (marita marita marave) - / [such a death] leads to liberation. / [If] a new birth follows, enjoy / [such] great destiny. / Hold God on your forehead, / shout with all your might, / destroy the country / for the sake of establishing the dharma. / The bold need the bold, / the tough need the tough, / the bold need the bold, / [to] move forward." This instruction, according to Acharya Atre, describes the technique of realizing the "dharma of Maharashtra" 48 . Acharya Atre goes on to give further details about Ramdas ' views and the content of the great Mantra:" Dharma Maharashtra was strongly opposed to making distinctions based on country/region, Varna, [accepted norms of] behavior, and religious community. "49 Then he connects the santas and declares, " Pandharpur (the city where the Vithoba temple is located. - I. G.) is the spiritual center of Maharashtra's dharma, and Raigad (Shivaji's fortress) is its political center." A few lines later, all the Marathi santas - from the Brahmin to the untouchable-are the founders of the "dharma of Maharashtra"! And of course, without Dharma Maharashtra, India would never have achieved independence .50

Reconstruction of the semantics of the dharma of Maharashtra, which has occupied the minds of Marathi historians, politicians, publicists and satirists for more than a century, is usually carried out on the basis of "building materials" extracted both from the outside, from the surrounding reality, and from within itself, based on its own system of views. D. V. Chauhan, representative of the Kolhapur historical school 51, traces the "dharma of Maharashtra" to the "Kshatriya dharma", i.e., the code of conduct of the Indian warrior, and even finds a specific historical figure named Satyanaga (bodyguard and military commander of the Scythian king Sridharavarmana, who had the epithet "Winner [in establishing] the dharma" - dharmavijayin), a native of Maharashtra, who brought these ideas to his native soil In the fourth century, 52 In Maharashtra, these ideas were melted down into the " dharma of Maharashtra "and for the time being existed as a" faint image " in the memory of leaders such as Naik Rav, Keshava charya, Ramdas and their followers .53

P. G. Sahasrabuddhe devotes a separate chapter 54 to the Dharma of Maharashtra in his voluminous (835 pages) work "Maharashtra Culture". Unlike V. D. Chauhan, who considers the "dharma of Maharashtra" not affected by time and retains a single meaning in all references, P. G. Sahasrabuddhe considers this concept dialectically. Recalling that Ramdas, the true creator of the dharma of Maharashtra, only used this complex word twice and did not explain its meaning, the author refers to all the works of Ramdas and thereby saturates this formula with the totality of all the known postulates of the preacher's worldview. According to P. G. Sahasrabuddhe, the "dharma of Maharashtra" is characterized by six

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signs: a fierce desire to find material prosperity in this world (1) is impossible without fulfilling the obligations of worldly life (2); to realize this, a national awakening is necessary (3), supported by strength (4) and perseverance (5) to establish their statehood (6).

At the same time, P. G. Sahasrabuddhe argues that the latter is not achievable without experiencing a "proud sense of dual nature" (dvividh ahamkar, the latter lexeme means "pride", "arrogance", "vanity"): about one's own and collective (i.e. regional) exclusivity. According to the author, only the Marathas were familiar with this feeling, since it never occurred to anyone else to exclaim, "Gather all the Rajputs (Kannadigas, Bengalis, etc.)!" 55 For the same reason, the Santas and their accompanying tradition have nothing to do with the "dharma of Maharashtra", since they were just concerned with the eradication of that dharma., which is indicated by the ahamkar token. And nothing to do with the dharma at all (and not just the "dharma of Maharashtra") Shankaracharya, who is often mentioned in the Mahikavati-bakkhara, did not have it, because, according to P. G. Sahasrabuddhe, he claimed "withdrawal from the world "(nivrttivad), as a result of which the era of decline began in India .56

V. P. Bokil, a Ramdas scholar, equates " Maharashtra dharma "with lifestyle:" Dharma is what keeps people together in society and in political union; it also binds people to God. In this sense, Maharashtra dharma refers to the social characteristics of Maharashtra residents, shaped by the geographical conditions of their residence and the traditions of their ancestors in which they were raised. "57 And D. Gokhale-Turner, reflecting on the example of Maharashtra on regionalism in Indian politics, elevates "Maharashtra dharma" to the rank of ideology. In the mouth of Ramdas, this word embedded in the appeal, according to the American researcher, reflected an active and aggressive Hinduism directed against Muslim rulers, i.e. outside the Maratha society proper, and aimed at creating a Hindu state .58

At the same time, D. Gokhale-Turner suggests that each social stratum found something different in this slogan. Thus, "dharma of Maharashtra" in the circle of brahmins, the most persistent followers of Brahman Ramdas, could mean the restoration of a state of affairs in which the Brahmins, as interpreters and propagators of dharma as a category, would play a leading role. The Maratha warriors could see the " dharma of Maharashtra "as the quintessence of the values they were defending, and therefore they saw themselves as the bearers of this" dharma". The lower strata, and especially the untouchables, could perceive the idea of the "dharma of Maharashtra "in the spirit of the" kingdom of Rama " - a utopian society built on the principles of social justice. As a result of such dissection, it turns out that "the relevance of regional ideology, apparently, depends on socio-economic and political factors", and regional ideology as such does not permeate the entire society vertically, forcing it to unite 59 , i.e., it seems that the "dharma of Maharashtra" is aimed at mobilization, but does not cope with the whole situation. your responsibilities.

Finally, D. V. Naik (former head of the History Department at the University of Bombay), in a commemorative publication dedicated to the tercentenary (1974) of the coronation of Shivaji as a chhatrapati ("umbrella holder" - a symbol of royal power) of the Maratha state, rises to the heights of compromise on all issues of Marathi history and, trying to clothe the "dharma of Maharashtra" in order to achieve intra-regional harmony and maintain loyalty to the common Indian unity, he puts difficult - to-reconcile ideas into the well-known Ramdas slogan: "It (the Dharma of Maharashtra-I. G.) was not directed either against Islam or at promoting the religion of Hindus. And, of course, it was not intended to create a communalist empire. Its main purpose was to preserve and transmit the ancient religion and culture of the people living in Maharashtra and collectively known as "Maratha" 60 . One can only guess what is hidden under the euphemism "ancient religion" and what methods were used in the Middle Ages to "preserve and transmit culture"...

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I stop quoting not because I have run out of citations - there is no limit to them-but because, despite the breadth of the scope, the range of ideas that fill the elastic container of the dharma of Maharashtra is narrow. Replicated in one or another interpretation by mass publications (up to school textbooks) this relentless appeal to the concept of" dharma of Maharashtra " has turned it into a national symbol that corresponds to the current moment and participates in the collective programming of the mind, and a ritual formula, without which it is difficult to imagine an event of regional scale. The Indian Express newspaper of 06.02.1994 reported that, opening the III World Marathi Conference in Delhi, Indian President Shankar Dayal Sharma called on participants to "deeply understand and promote the dharma of Maharashtra." He also recalled that " the ideology of brotherhood and understanding was part of the dharma of Maharashtra, a worldview initiated by Shivaji." If not only Marathis, but also representatives of other Indian regions, as well as the highest echelon of power, imagine that there is a "dharma of Maharashtra", this cannot be ignored. However, there is no doubt that there is a curious history of what the dharma of Maharashtra holds.

My interest in the dharma of Maharashtra took shape when I was writing a chapter on culture ("mental program") Marathi authors for the collective monograph "India: a Country and its Regions" 61 . At the same time, my colleague Boris Ivanovich Klyuev, who was then working on a chapter on politics in Maharashtra, turned to me with a question: "What is Maharashtra Asmita? Why is this word left untranslated in Indian English-language newspapers?" By that time, I also had a keen interest in this lexeme, since I often came across it in P. G. Sahasrabuddha's "Culture of Maharashtra" and did not find it in Marathi-English dictionaries (there is no Marathi-Russian dictionary in nature). On my next visit to India, I asked Kluevsky a question to everyone I encountered during my two-month stay in Maharashtra (January-February 2000). No one answered, but three of them came back to the problem at our next meeting. A high school teacher suggested that asmita means a combination of the Sanskrit lexeme smita ("smile") with a negative prefix a, however, when I turned to the Sanskrit-English dictionary, I found that the lexeme asmita (also with a long a at the end) is interpreted as "egoism", i.e. "conceit, narcissism". A Sanskrit professor suggested that the concept of asmita is considered in the Yoga Sutras (2.3, 2.6) of Patanjali (3rd century), a philosopher of the Sankhya yoga tradition, and is interpreted in the English translation by J. H. Woods as "feeling of personality" 62. An employee of one of the Pune libraries, with whom I discussed this issue again and again, after much thought, formulated:: "Asmita is self - pride and anxiety for the fate of Maharashtra" (svabhiman, maharastraci kalji). At the same time, I was surprised to find that the house of my old acquaintance Madhu-kaki (Damodar Dinkar) Kulkarni, a well-known Punic publisher, is still called by the same mysterious word "Asmita". Although I had visited him many times, it wasn't until February 22, 2000, the day of Madhu-kaki's sudden death, when I came to say good-bye to him, that my discovery was made.

The earliest use of the lexeme asmita in the context of "concern for the fate of Maharashtra" was found in the chairman's speech of the writer G. T. Madkholkar, delivered in 1946 at the opening of the 30th Maharashtra Writers ' Congress. In this speech, according to Acharya Atre, who quotes it from a written copy in his memoirs, a detailed justification for the need to merge all the territories inhabited by the Marathi-speaking ethnic group within the framework of the "United Maharashtra" was first made in the Marathi language. ..Marathi literature should cover all corners of Maharashtra life. And as soon as Ma-

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Harashtran asmita, stretching from Narmada to Tungabhadra (the area that was supposed to go to the "United Maharashtra". - I. G.), will begin to flow in tangible streams from the destinies of the Marathi people, we will be able to experience pride... " 63 . The vague rhetoric of this statement implies that a certain asmita exists in an implicit state and its explication will lead to a sense of pride in the Marathas.

Since the first use of the word asmita was linked to a political demand, I turned to those parts of Acharya Atre's five - volume memoir, where he describes in detail the organization of the "Movement for a United Maharashtra" and the stages of the struggle that ended in 1960 with the creation of a separate - monolingual-state of Maharashtra. Addressing rallies in the run-up to the 1957 municipal elections in Bombay calling for a vote for candidates from the United Maharashtra Committee, Acharya Atre proclaims:: "Ramdas' command given 400 years ago - 'Gather all Marathas'! " - is now being implemented. This miracle is happening because Maharashtra's sense of self-pride has been severely wounded, and Maharashtra's asmita, along with its very existence, has been hit by an incredible force." 64 Two aspects should be noted in this statement of the recognized leader of the "Movement". First, the close proximity of "pride" (svabhiman) and Asmita, and secondly, using only the first part of the popular Ramdas slogan, while the second part is " Increase / spread the dharma of Maharashtra!" - replaced by the mention of Asmita.

Acharya Atre, describing the actions and counteractions to the creation of a single Marathi-speaking administrative unit, mentions a whole range of political figures of various calibres and, in connection with the riots that have arisen in Bombay, cites the statement of one of them (Shankar-rava Deva): "I feel asmita about Maharashtra. But if Maharashtra ignores human values, I will have to destroy this asmita. " 65 This figure interprets asmita as a certain feeling that he is aware of (syntactically expressed by a construction like "I [have] doubts" or "I feel bad"), which is manageable. It can be assumed that we are talking about pride, but it is not clear why then the usual abhiman or garva are not used in this sense.

Mysterious as a Mona Lisa's smile, asmita reappears in Acharya Atre's memoirs in the chapter "What is Marathi?", essentially devoted to the problem of self-identification. The writer relates that during the struggle for a Unified Maharashtra, INC, which was in power and advocated the creation of a bilingual state with Marathi and Gujarati populations and the separation of Bombay into an independent administrative unit, "deliberately took actions that destroyed the Maharashtra Asmita" 66 . He then goes on to describe the national character of the Marathas:"...Marathi is full of pride and vanity. He is willing to pay any price for his principles and ideals. It is as if he has forever accepted the challenge of sacrificing himself for the sake of his country and freedom. He is impatient to rush into the lion's cave and put his hand in its mouth. He is completely unaware of the fear of the enemy or death. This is what we call Maharashtra's asmita or Marathaness. " 67 This is the first time that Acharya Atre attempts to define an obscure concept verbally, again matching it with pride, putting it as part of an indomitable desire for risky ventures in order to achieve the goal set, and ultimately equating it with the concept of Marathiness, i.e., national character, as the Marathi themselves understand it. So asmita, having absorbed the Marathi pride, acquired the status of an identifying unit.

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After conducting preliminary research on the semantic content of the asmita token, I told B. I. Klyuev about it and asked him to show me examples that led him to the question " What is Maharashtra Asmita?". Boris Ivanovich died on July 8, 2000, not having had time to fulfill his promises, and I began to search for the Maharashtra asmita in folders with newspaper and magazine clippings from Indian newspapers, which he collected for more than 40 years of his professional activity. It turned out that Asmita appears in messages mainly related to pre-election campaigning or any force majeure circumstances in Maharashtra and largely characterizes the rhetoric of the Shivsena party. My assumptions were confirmed in the statements of the Indian press in general and the Marathas themselves in particular.

So, "Times of India" from 16.02.94 writes: "When Shivsena raised the issue of Maharashtra asmita in the 1960s, the middle-class fear of competition from South Indian migrants helped her to mobilize their support." Commenting on the conclusion of a partnership between Shivsena and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Times of India, dated 11.10.89, notes that" championing the ideals of Hindutva (Hindu fundamentalism. - I. G.) brings Shivsena more tangible dividends than it did... her commitment to Marathi Asmita." Writing in the Times of India on 19.03.95, Nikhil Vagle, head of Mahanagar Publishing, states: "The issue of regional identification was raised long before Shivsena by the United Maharashtra Movement. Thakre (Bal Thakre-the leader of Shivsena-I. G.) does nothing more than exploit him." The fact that this case is about Asmit is proved by the direct proximity in the same material of the following statement of the director and actor Amol Palekar: "I sincerely hope that now (after winning the state Legislative assembly elections and forming my own government. - I. G.) Thakre will go further than just talking about Marathi Asmita. If his government helps to revive Marathi cinema, which has gone to hell, and if it supports Marathi literature and distributes it to the whole country, then it can really embody what it says so much." 68 The latter example also shows that Amol Palekar associates the concept of Asmit primarily with the policy of protectionism in relation to everything Marathi. The 6.2.2000 Marathi-language Maharashtra Times, through the mouth of journalist Sanjay Ketkar, explicitly acknowledges the direct link between Asmita, Shivsena's practice, and its leader: "It is hardly a mistake to say that in Maharashtra only Bal Saheb guarded Maratha Asmita and Maratha glory."

When a heated debate broke out in the 1980s over R. C. Dhere's claim that the sacred temple complex in Pandharpur contained not an authentic sculpture of the god Vithoba, but a fake 69, Shivsena led a powerful protest campaign against the famous scholar's imprisonment. One of the chapters of the article that slams the scholar and insists on the authenticity of the Pandharpur statue, in the party weekly "Marmik" dated 19.04.81, has the title "Hands on the folds of the Marathi asmit" (Marathi asmitecya nirila hat). This is an obvious allusion to an episode from the Mahabharata, where the heroine of the ancient Indian epic is publicly insulted when Duhshasana begins to tear off her clothes.

It is not known whether ancient Indian women wore saris or other clothing, but the mass consciousness of Indians, processed by cinema and graphics, sees Draupadi in a sari, which, like any sari, is characterized by the presence of folds-nips, for which Duhshasana pulled. Using this metaphor in her ideological struggle, Shivsena was clearly reminding her that the insult to Draupadi was followed by a bloody battle. On the occasion of Shivsena's 25th anniversary, Datta Salvi, one of her functionaries, stated (Times of India, 23.06.91): "Our main goal was and remains the restoration of Maharashtra's asmita (pride)." Either the author of the statement or the newspaper itself considered it necessary to find an appropriate English equivalent for Asmita.

In the preface to Mumbai 70 , a pamphlet on the renaming of Bombay, Bal Thakre writes: "The name and Asmita are inextricably linked, and no one can break them." "Times of India" dated 17.01.94 in connection with the assignment of Ma to the University-

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Bhimrao Ambedkar Rathvada (Aurangabad), which Shivsena actively objected to, notes: "If Shivsena condones violence, she will reveal the emptiness of her commitment to social justice and the maha-Rashtran asmita (dignity)." So, using the English equivalent - self-respect - the author of the note expressed his understanding of the essence of asmita. The forces that lobbied for the perpetuation of the name of the untouchable caste rights activist spoke of their goal only as "renaming [the university] by the marathvadyaci asmita namantaran," and the influential Dalit literary magazine is called Asmitadarsha. which can be translated as "Philosophy of Asmita" or"View of Asmita". Arun Tikekar, editor-in-chief of the Marathi-language newspaper Loksatta, in an article on the problems of caste differentiation in modern Marathi society (20.02.2000), uses the concept of asmita six times, describing it by the definition of "caste" (jatiy) and each time using it as a direct complement to the verb "to awaken" (jagrt thevne / karne). Given the noticeable frequency of using this particular combination, we can conclude that asmita is more prone to drowsiness.

Speaking about the First World Marathi Conference in 1989, the Times of India (25.09.89) writes: "They (the Marathi elite. - I. G.) talked about asmit (self-identification, self-identity), pride, cultural and literary fame, and not about jobs and livelihoods." The Amar javan smarak nirman samiti Committee for the Construction of a monument of Glory to Fallen Soldiers made a proposal to convert the Bombay Gate of India into one, and information about this was published (Loksatta, 21.02.2000) under the title "Erase the shameful stain of slavery and turn the Gate of India into a monument of national Asmita" (Gulamica kalank pusun 'Get ve af lndiya' rastriy asmitece smarak kara).

An article in the same newspaper dated 17.02.2000 describes a lawsuit filed by a Baroda organization against ambiguities and obscenities contained in the songs and dances of Hindi-language cinema. The basis for the lawsuit is described by a Marathi-language newspaper as "insulting Indian culture and female Asmita" (bharatiy samskrti ani nari asmitece ullanghan) 72 . If the damage caused to asmita becomes the basis for a statement of claim, then there is no doubt that it needs consistent semantic qualification.

The writer Tara Bhavalkar also draws on asmita in the context of reflections on women's emancipation and calls santas responsible for "awakening the asmita of man in man" (mansaci manus mhanun asmita jagi keli) In this example, I just want to replace the still sleepy asmita with a clear and appropriate "consciousness". Finally, the already mentioned R. C. Dhere, who has been attacked by Shiv-sena, the most authoritative scholar of Maharashtra's medieval religious poets, asserts that "Daineshwar is in every respect the originator of Marathi Asmita", and then adds: "The era of Daineshwar is in the true sense the time of the birth of Marathi Asmita, and among the most influential scholars of Maharashtra. among the creators of Marathi Asmita, great Daineshwar occupies the highest place. " 74

Let me remind you that we are talking about the same Dayneshwar, who is considered the founder of the worship of Vithoba in the line of bhakti. The authenticity of the sculpture of this god in the Pandharpur temple caused scientific doubts among R. C. Dhere, who was subsequently accused of encroaching on the Maratha asmita, i.e. Vithoba. In the preface to R. Limaye's Maharastradharma-smaran, published by the Pune Dharma Society, publisher G. V. Karandikar recalls the role that the "holy poets" - Daineshwar, Namdev, Eknath, Tukaram and Ramdas-played in strengthening the dharma of Maharashtra. and the multiplication of dharas-

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we are India and Maharashtra. He goes on to explain: "Through their utterances, the Marathi learned both bhakti and dharma of Maharashtra. These saints gave the taste of nectar to the language " Marhati "(deliberate use of an obscure phonetic version of the word "Marathi". - I. G.), who nurtured the Marathi Asmita " 75 . So in the Marathi mindset, the Santas (with alternating success) turned out to be the creators of not only the dharma of Maharashtra, but also the Maharashtra asmita.

The appearance in the Marathi lexical arsenal (a military metaphor is more than appropriate here) of a reinterpreted Sanskrit term, etymologically related to the Sanskrit verb asmi ([I] am), did not go unnoticed by the humanitarian circles of Maharashtra, who made an attempt to root Asmita in a regional context and assign it, if not a certain meaning, then certain feelings. To this end, a collective 696-page work was published in 1971 under the inversion title "Asmita of Maharashtra" 76 , in which the intellectual elite of the state was invited to participate. The collection is preceded by an introduction, which aims to" introduce " readers to the concept of Asmita and at the same time "explore" its concept, resolving such questions as " what is the constant feeling associated with us (Marathi)? - I. G.) with our social life?", " what are the forces that pull us together?", etc. 77 However, the questions are formulated so vaguely and interspersed with such ambiguous terms (aplya astitvace svatantra adhistan, aple sattva ghadavinarya sakti, etc.that they can only be understood and, consequently, translated into a foreign language with a certain degree of convention. Nevertheless, it seems that all of the dozen questions are somehow related to what is commonly called "national character". This impression is reinforced by the fact that the" high model of asmita "(asmiteci ek udatt pratima) is none other than Shivaji, and Asmita herself takes on an almost divine nature, "manifesting in different epochs in different ways" and "shining out in all sorts of colors and shades over the previous 30-40 years". as a result, the phrase "asmita's game" (asmiteca vilas) 78 appears on the pages of the book.

The following 53 articles cover all aspects of Maharashtra life without exception, from the theater and the army to district councils and village education. Most of them successfully manage without the asmita token at all, but in others it is persistently exploited. Thus, Yadunath Thatte in his article "Marathi Asmita of the period of technological progress" 79 actually accuses Asmita of incongruity of time and asserts that " nowhere - from literature to mechanical engineering-is there an independent manifestation of Marathi Asmita felt." In addition, he identifies various types of Asmita inherent in a particular class (for example, the well-off peasantry or urban bureaucracy), and describes the general Marathi asmita as hindering the collective work of the Marathi-speaking community and increasing its disunity. Whether asmita manifests itself or not, the author accuses her of having an inferiority complex, ignoring the principles of social justice, scientific and technological progress, and other sins. So asmita, demonstrating the ambivalence inherent in the "dharma of Maharashtra", turns from unifying to dividing. P. S. Ghore in the article "Political Aspects of Marathi Asmita" 80, on the one hand, confirms that the Maharashtra political asmita was truly awakened in the period of the United Maharashtra Movement", on the other, states that it "has been well known since the time of Shivaji Ramdas" (surely not under the name of "dharma of Maharashtra"?), and on the third, states that it has been "well known since the time of Shivaji Ramdas". that it "manifested itself in various movements after the establishment of British power."

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P. G. Sa-hasrabuddhe's Maharashtra Culture, already mentioned in connection with the Maharashtra Dharma, is based on a constant appeal to Asmita. The first subchapter of the first chapter ("Maharashtra identity") is titled "From Asmita [arose] culture" (Asmitetun samskrti) 81 . It proclaims that every person and every country has an individual personality (vyaktitva). And then there is the statement that "the awareness of difference from others and one's own superiority is the source of creative activity of the human collective" and all this is asmita. The second chapter, entitled "The Origin of asmita", also contains the sub-chapter "Regional asmita", from which it is clear that "the real sign of state individuality (rastraci prthagatmata) is its awareness", and this, in turn, is nothing more than " regional asmita, or vanity (ahanta) 82 . Continuing to juggle difficult-to-understand sanskritisms - "individuality", "sense of superiority", " pride "(abhiman) and even "haughtiness / arrogance [in connection with one's own] exclusivity" (prthagahamkar) - p.G. Sahasrabuddhe either uses them as synonymous series to asmita or explains asmita with their help. Later in the book, sub-chapters like "Rooted Asmita", "Concern for material well-being and Asmita", "New Asmita", etc.repeatedly pop up, in which the author tracks the stages of formation or awakening of Maharashtra Asmita. The first stage dates from the third century B.C. 83, followed by the period from 235 B.C. to 55 A.D., when the nascent Asmita became stronger .84 In the period from the XIII to the XVII centuries. Daineshwar, Namdev, Eknath and Tukaram provided Maharashtra with an "independent asmita" (svatantra asmita) 85 , which suggests that it was not such before. However, in the XVII century. Shivaji "built "a" new asmita " for Maharashtra, the essence of which was that "we are Marathi and our country is Maharashtra" (Amhi marathe va amca des maharastra) .86 If we recall how P. G. Sahasrabuddhe dissected the dharma of Maharashtra in the same work, then it remains to accept that both terms are actually in a relationship of free variation. In addition, the author notes the indissoluble connection between the language (Marathi) and Asmita 87, as well as (as previously with regard to individuality - vyaktitva) divides, however, without argument, asmita into national (rastriy) and personal (vaiyktik) 88 , at the same time (along with vyaktitva and prthagatmata) introduces another lexeme for transmitting the concept of "individuality" - svatva 89 and completely confuses everything.

The last attempt to deal with asmita - not from philological, but from universal, or even philosophical, positions-was made by Pramod Talgeri. On the occasion of the 11th anniversary of the popular Marathi socio-political weekly Saptahik Sakal, he gave a lecture (in English), which was subsequently published (in Marathi) under the title "How to conduct an Indian Identity Test?" 90 . In it, P. Talgeri discusses three key concepts of the modern Western world-modernity (adhunikta), identification (asmita) and nationalism (rastravad), which he considers as linguistic and ideological tracing papers introduced to the Indian soil.

According to P. Talgeri, personal identification, which has not become imperative in the conditions of traditional society, can be modeled in modern India (as asmita) if there is a corresponding concept of reality (in particular, ideas about individualism). Adhering to philological criteria, first of all, I note that the neologism asmita (unlike adhunikta and rastravad) is formed not by calcification, but by a semantic shift. In the syntagmatic series, this word is described using genitive definitions that have a collective (sometimes collective), rather than individual, referent - for example, Maharashtra (maharastracl asmita), and therefore asmita is characterized not by an individual property or function, but by those associated with a certain community.

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Therefore, the analysis proposed by P. Talgeri (in this part) seems to be speculative (and not experimental), playing into the theoretical compatibility of the ideas formulated by the European mentality for all mankind with the Indian soil.

Further, however, in addition to the individual asmita, P. Talgeri singles out the collective asmita (samuhik asmita) - which it usually is (despite its etymological connection with the Sanskrit asmi), but immediately turns it into a political one (rastriy asmita) and interprets it as something that "contributed to the unification of people under a common banner" 91, and according to the author's own words , it is not the same as siti revives the "dharma of Maharashtra" (this statement also suggests itself because P. Talgeri points out the end of the XIX century. as the time of the" awakening " of the concept of Asmita). Further, the Asmites (plural) of Talgeri village grow like mushrooms: socio-cultural and political-economic, artificial, Muslim Pakistani and secular Indian. Among other things, there are expressions that can not be understood at all - such as ajcya bharatiy nagarikaci, ek adhunik vyakti mhanun rastriy asmita 92 . Since P. Talgeri was still experimenting with identity in the tenets of the English language, and did not analyze Asmita from the Marathi and Maharashtra context, it is possible to make certain mistakes of the translator, who mechanically substituted Asmita in the place of English identity. The latter term, by the way, can also be confusing, since it has two opposite meanings: "complete identity of one with the other" and"possession of distinctive features". For the latter, by the way, in English there is a more accurate word-individuality, although the modern world is rushing around just in search of identity.

The number of examples given can easily be increased, but they also provide convincing evidence of at least six facts. First, the word asmita does not have a generally accepted counterpart in English (pride, self-respect and self-identity are more common as an explanation; A. P. Kulkarni suggests self-consciousness 93 ) and has a broad arbitrary interpretation in Marathi. Secondly, this concept is used by those who are in the process of fighting for the achievement of the task (and therefore Shivsena, who is in a permanent struggle, uses it more often (but not exclusively) than other forces. Third, asmita is one of the key words-incantations in connection with anniversaries and national symbols of the Marathi ethnic group (Vithoba, Daineshwar, etc.) and periodically, like the "dharma of Maharashtra", is linked to the activities of "holy poets" - recognized integrators of the Marathi - speaking area. Asmita is simultaneously defined as "Maharashtra" and "Marathi", it is always adjacent to "pride" and "pride", it must be "fought for" and it must simultaneously be "awakened"," supported "and"protected". Fourth, asmita, on the one hand, tends to expand, becoming "national", i.e. all-Indian, and on the other, to narrow, appearing within the caste or in the collective image of a woman. Fifth, asmita often juxtaposes with the "dharma of Maharashtra" and even displaces it, finding itself in its position; periodically there are calls either to accept the " new dharma of Maharashtra "or to"realize/awaken the new asmita". The monthly of the Marathi Literary Society of Baroda is called "Navasmita" - "New Asmita". Sixth, depending on the requirements of the moment, Maharashtran asmita (regardless of the fact that the word itself in Marathi is a neologism) is found in any historical (and even prehistoric) cross-section of Maharashtran existence. All these facts are related to situations where the appellant is counting on mass support and approval, and because whatever asmita concerns-dignity, pride, swagger, Marathi identity, caste or women-and whatever it means, it is functionally a mobilization formula.

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It is no secret that a community of people, especially those limited by the state or administrative division, needs a unifying idea. The need for such a system is especially increased with changes in political or economic regimes, changes in the social conditions of the population, and social and natural upheavals. In post-communist Russia, for example, the question of the urgent need to discover and verbalize such a binding idea - within Russia - has been repeatedly raised, and the search for it (without much success) continues. Maharashtra asmita, of course, was in demand during the movement for the unification of the Marathi-speaking ethnic group and remained in service in an administratively formed territorial unit, having the same potential and functions as the" dharma of Maharashtra"," new dharma of Maharashtra "and even"new asmita". Just as a war horse cannot help but flinch at the sound of a regimental trumpet, so the heart of a Marathi should flutter when he hears the proud combination "dharma of Maharashtra" or the more modern but equally semantically blurred "Maharashtra asmita". It doesn't matter what it means. A Russian can rely on the stereotypical idea of a "mysterious Russian soul" without delving into the definition of what it is.

The famous satirical writer P. L. Deshpande, who had an unquestionable authority in the region, was also one of the authors of the work "Asmita Maharashtra". He is probably the only one who asked whether Maharashtra has a special asmita, different from other regions, and he himself answered in the words of Tatya Saheb Kel-kar 94 : "If they say that there is, then there is, and they say that there is no, then there is no" (mhatle tar ahe ani mhatle tar nahi) 95 . And he, reflecting on the urgent challenges facing Maharashtra society in the Asmita folio, summed it up as follows: "Today, as a first step in accepting the challenge of the new era, Maharashtra must also accept the' new dharma of Maharashtra ' associated with modern knowledge." 96 So the movement from" dharma " to asmita was circular.

notes

1 Materials for this study were collected during the author's business trip to India in January - February 2000, thanks to a grant from the Open Society Institute (Soros Foundation).

2 My initial observations on the "Dharma of Maharashtra", see: Glushkova I. P." Mental program " of the Marathas // India: country and its regions. Moscow, 2000. pp. 295-300.

Gordon Stewart. 3 The New Cambridge History of India. The Marathas 1600-1818. Cambridge, 1993. P. 65-66. Since the main pathos of S. Gordon boils down to the fact that Shivaji did not offer an innovative approach to creating statehood, but relied on modern models, the scientist omits both the reference to the text and references to works analyzing the genesis or essence of the concept of "dharma of Maharashtra".

Rajvade V.K. 4 Kesavacaryadikrtmahikavatlci urfmahimci bakhar. Pune, sake 1846 (1923). The writings of Viswanatha Kashinath Radzwade (1863-1926) are little known among Western historians, as he wrote only in Marathi to promote effective support for his native language. He collected and published 22 volumes of Sources on the History of the Marathas (1898-1917); in 1910, he founded the "Society for Researchers in Indian History" in Pune, which still functions today. The colossal archive of V. K. Radzvade is kept in the museum named after him in Dhule.

5 The main body of texts in the bakhar genre was created in the XVII-XVIII centuries and is mostly associated with the names of Shivaji and Peshvas.

Rajvade V.K. 6 Op. cit. P. 53-61.

7 This refers to the goddess Mahalakshmi from the temple in Kolhapur (Maharashtra); in the original - randakolhapuri, where randa - "widow", "whore", etc. (probably this word had a neutral connotation). In this connection, it is not clear why D. V. Chauhan claims that the Mahikavati - bakkhar proclaims Tuldza-Bhavani of Tulzapur as "the presiding deity of the Maharashtra dharma". Chauhan D.V. Maharashtra Dharma - Its Origin // Marathi History Seminar (May 28-31, 1970). Kolhapur, 1971. P. 10.

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8 Both epithets are taken from normative publications - "Stories of India for Children" (Mulansathi bharataca itihas. Dilli, 1964) and Encyclopedia of Indian Culture (Bharatiy samskrtikos. Khand navva. Pune, sake 1898(1976).

Rajvade V.K. 9 Op. cit. P. 108.

10 Ibid. P. 106.

11 Ibid. P. 109.

Rajvade V.K. 12 Maratha rajyaca hetu //Rajvade- lekhsarigrah. Mumbai, 1967. P. 168-186.

13 Cit. by: Feldhaus Anne. Maharashtra as a Holy Land: a Sectarian Tradition // Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. V. XLIX. Pt 3, 1986. P. 541.

14 Information about "Gurucharitrya" is based on the work of S. G. Tulpule (Tulpule Shankar Gopal. A History of Indian Literature. Classical Marathi Literature. From the Beginning to A.D. 1818. Wiesbaden, 1979). The part of the text that mentions the "Dharma of Maharashtra" is quoted by B. V. Bhat on pages 149-150 in his study "Dharma of Maharashtra" (Bhat B. V. Maharastradharmagranthmala, granth cavatha. Maharastradharma. Dhule, sake 1842 (1925).

15 See, for example, Bongard-Levin G. and Vigasin A. The Image of India. The Study of Ancient Indian Civilization in the USSR, Moscow, 1984; Shokhin V. K. Ancient India in the culture of Russia (XI-mid-XV century). Moscow, 1988.

16 Cit. by application to work: Pawar A.G. Shivaji and Ramdasa // Maratha History Seminar (May 28-31, 1970). Kolhapur, 1971. P. 99. Indian historians disagree on the date of this letter - before or after 1674 (the time of Shivaji's coronation), as well as on the nature and duration of the relationship between Ramdas and Shivaji.

17 This example was reported to me in a letter dated 24.10.2000 by Prof. A. R. Kulkarni, to whom I express my deep gratitude for the various assistance in working on the article.

18 This date is given in the appendix to the Literature of Maharashtra by V. L. Bhave (Bhave L. V. Maharastra-sarasvat puravnisah. Mumbai, 1963. p. 974) and in the Concise Dictionary of Marathi Literature (Sariksipt marathi varimaykos. Arambhapasun 1920 paryantca kalkhand. Mumbai, 1998. p. 581), while in the last of these publications, the period of life of the author of the "World Victory of Shivaji" - Khando Ballal Chitnis-is dated 1668-1726 - p. 136.

19 An example is taken from Bhat D. V. Op. cit. p. 273.

20 For the position of R. S. Bhagwat, see Ibid.

21 Ibid. P. 35.

Ranade M.G. 22 Rise of the Maratha Power and Other Essays. Bombay, 1961. P. II-III.

23 Ibid. P. 78.

24 Ibid. P. 92.

Rajvade V.K. 25 Marathi rajyaca hetu. P. 168.

Rajvade V.K. 26 Marathyarice itihasace karya va parabhav. P. 187.

Rajvade V.K. 27 Marathesahica paya ghalnara sahaji. P. 208.

Rajvade V.K. 28 Marathi rajyaca hetu. P. 169.

Joshi P.N. 29 Rajvade vicardarsan. Pune, 1965. P. 50.

Bhat B.N. 30 Op. cit. P. 2, 10.

31 Ibid. P. 2, 47.

32 Ibid. P. 38, 385.

33 Ibid. P. 40.

34 Ibid. P. 44.

35 Ibid. P. 355; shruti (lit.:"heard") and smriti (lit.: "memorized") are two categories of Sanskrit texts with unquestionable authority.

36 Ibid. P. 357-359.

37 Ibid. P. 367, 389.

38 Cit. by: Maitn, 12.09.1990. P. 351. Here we are talking about a mythological story in which Vishnu in the form of a dwarf covered the earth and sky worlds in two steps.

39 Ramdas ani ramdasl. 1925-1926. N 85, 86, 87 et seq.

40 This multicomponent word combining native (hindupad) and borrowed (padsahi) vocabulary was invented by V. K. Radzvade and can very conditionally be translated as "rule of the Hindu throne".

Fasana E. 41 Deshbhakta: The Leaders of the Italian Independent Movement in the Eyes of Marathi Nationalist // Writers, Editors and Reformers. Social and Polititcal Transformation of Maharashtra, 1830-1930. New Delhi, 1999. P. 57.

Vora Rajendra. 42 Maharashtra Dharma and the Nationalist Movement in Maharashtra. P. 24, 29.

43 For more information, see: Glushkova I. P. "Mental program" of the Marathas.

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Vora Rajendra. 44 Op. cit. P. 27.

45 Inc. for various reasons did not support the idea of creating a United Maharashtra with its capital in Bombay for a long time. When this happened, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru gave a bittersweet welcome to the occasion, without saying a word about Shivaji's role as a fighter for the creation of "Hindu statehood" and his heroic role in Maharashtra's history. Expressing his indignation at this, Acharya Atre remarked: "This pandit Nehru deliberately insulted Maharashtra. Does anyone doubt this?... In our Maharashtra, no historical endeavor is possible without first remembering Shivaji - is that not known to Pandit Nehru?" Atre Acharya. Karhece pani. Atmavrtta. Khand pacva. Mumbal, 1968. P. 663.

46 Ibid. Khand cavatha. P. 40.

47 Ibid. Khand pacva. P. 320. Bal Gangadhar (Lokamanya) Tilak (1856-1920) - a major figure in the Indian national liberation movement, Marathi by nationality; Jyoti-rav Govinda-rav (Mahatma) Phule (1827-1890) - a famous reformer of the "awakening" era, Marathi by nationality.

48 Ibid. Khand pacva. P. 668. The quoted passage is taken from Dasbodha (19.9), a program work that reveals Ramdas 'worldview, but does not contain any mention of the" dharma of Maharashtra", as many authors incorrectly believe.

49 Ibid. P. 669.

50 Ibid.

51 Marathi scholars of the humanities are divided into non-formal regional formations on a number of issues, such as the Poon "pro-Rahman" group, the Kolhapur "pro-Kshatriya" group, etc. For an illustration on this topic, see: Glushkova I. P. Modern passions around a medieval mystic // East (Oriens). 2000. N 4.

Chauhan D.V. 52 Op. cit. P. 8, 9.

53 Ibid. P. 8.

Sahasrabuddhe P.O. 54 Maharastra samskrti. Pune, 1979. P. 344-361.

55 Ibid. P. 351-352.

56 Ibid. P. 358.

Bokil V.P. 57 Rajguru Ramdas. Poona, 1979. P. 143.

Gokhale-Turner J. 58 Region and Regionalism in the Study of Indian Politics: The Case of Maharashtra // Images of Maharashtra. A Regional Profile of India. L., 1980. P. 95.

59 Ibid. P. 96.

Naik J.V. 60 The Foundation of Swarajya // Sivraj- mudra. Raygad, 1974. P. 81.

Glushkova I. P. 61 "Mental program" of the Marathas, pp. 295-300.

Woods J.H. 62 The Yoga-System of Patanjali. Reprint. Delhi-Varanasi-Patna, 1972. P. 106.

Atre Acharya. 63 Op. cit. Khand tisra. P. 388.

64 Ibid. Khand pacva. P. 357.

65 Ibid. P. 200.

66 Ibid. P. 634.

67 Ibid. P. 639.

68 In this example, the narrowing definition of "Marathi" (instead of "Maharashtra"), which precedes Asmita, is interesting, as well as the incorrect spelling of the lexeme itself - sasmita. Regardless of whether this error was made by Amol Palekar himself (probably using the Sanskrit prefix sa - "c" for the emphase) or appeared during typesetting, in any case it indicates an uncertain handling of the concept that has turned into a stamp, but has not acquired clarity. Attacking the enemies of India and Hinduism, K. C. Sudarshan, head of the fundamentalist Rastriy svayamsevak sarigh (PCC), said: "They are trying to destroy the Hindu smita (pride)." (Prasannarajam S. Vision hindutva // India today. 30.10.2000. P. 48). In this statement, with the addition of an English equivalent to clarify the meaning of an obscure lexeme, asmita lost the initial a and turned into the Sanskrit "smile". It is unlikely that such errors can be recognized as typos - they only indicate the lack of adaptation in the Sanskrit borrowing.

69 For details of this story, see: Glushkova I. P. Indian pilgrimage. Metafora dvizheniya i dvizhenie metafory [Metaphor of Movement and movement of metaphors]. Moscow, 2000.

Samant M.L. 70 Navhe 'bambe', navhe 'bambai' ya sahrace nav mumbai! Mumbai 1988.

71 It is noteworthy that sub-regions of Maharashtra are also beginning to be characterized by their own asmita.

72 In the last two or three years, Asmita has also appeared in the Hindi-language press in the context of women's issues. By the way, the Hindi-Russian dictionary translates the lexeme asmita as 1) " ego-

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ism", 2) "vanity", 3) " arrogance, haughtiness "(see: Hindi-Russian dictionary. M., 1972. T. I. P. 163), and the Hindi-Marathi dictionary offers as Marathi analogues ahamkar and mipan - "yakanie", "narcissism" (see: Brhat hindi- marathi sabdkos. Pune, 1965. P. 56). Obviously, these meanings are not appropriate for understanding the relevant episodes described, for example, in the article "Woman: Creating and understanding Asmita", which deals with" suffering in the awareness of the inevitability of struggle and asmita " (sarighars aur asmita kl anivaryata ke ehsas ki yatna) or about "the very sad sociology of the struggle of a warring community for asmita".- mitu" (asmita ke lie ladti jati ke sarighars ka bada karun samaj-sastra) or "confidence in asmita" (asmita ke prati visvas) or "[recognition of the main] need for freedom and asmita" (see: Seth Raji. Stn; srjan aur asmitabodh / / Hans. Jancetna ka pragatisil kathamasik. Marc. 2000. P. 31-32). The given meanings of asmita will not help in understanding such phrases as "asmita ki asuraksa" (see: Kavita. Stn-chavi baraks sarthak sinema // Ibid. P. 35) and "questions related to female asmita" (riari asmita sejude saval) (see: Kavita. Stn-chavi baraks sarthak sinema / / Ibid. P. 35).: Kaur Balvant. Stn vimars: krtiyo me akrtiya. P. 94). The frequency of using the asmita token has increased significantly due to the scandals that broke out around the films "Fire" and" Water " by the Canadian director of Indian origin Deepa Mehta (for details, see: Glushkova Irina. Fire, water and copper pipes. Indian ways to protect national identity / / Nezavisimaya Gazeta. 10.06.2000). In the debate on this topic, in addition to the female asmita, the asmita (as in the case of Marathi) of certain regional landmarks flashed by. For example, K. K. Mishra, a volunteer spokesperson for the "Committee for the Protection of Kashi Culture" (Ku'si samskrti raksa samiti), stated:" We cannot bear the insults inflicted on the Mother Ganga and Kashi, because if there is no asmita, then life has no value " (Misra K. K. Kisi kimat par kasi me 'vatar' nalu banne dege / / Demokretik varld. 29.02-15.03.2000. P. 45). It is not my task to establish the semantics of Asmita in the Hindu-speaking area, but one cannot help noticing the tendency for this lexeme to align with the concepts expressing "struggle" and"defense".

Bhavalkar Tara. 73 StnmuktTca atmasvar. Sangli, 1994. P. 166.

Dhere R.C. 74 Dnyandev ani dnyandevl: abhyasaci sthitf-gatr // Dnyandev ani dnyandevl. Pune, 1991. P. 9, 13.

Limaye R. 75 Maharastradharma-smaran. Pune, 1999. P. 1.

76 Asmita maharastraci". Mumbai, 1971.

77 Ibid. (publisher's introduction, without pagination).

78 Ibid. The new phrase surprises with the use of the lexeme 'vilas', which refers to "playful" terms associated with a pleasant pastime in the circle of dancing and singing women.

Thatte Y. 79 Vidnyanyugatil maratha asmita // Asmita maharastraci. P. 102-109.

Chore P.S. 80 Marathi asmiteci rajkly arigoparige // Ibid. P. 146-159.

Sahasrabuddhe P.G. 81 Maharastra samskrti. P. 1- 2.

82 Ibid. P. 43-44.

83 Ibid. P. 43.

84 Ibid. P. 78.

85 Ibid. P. 333.

86 Ibid. P. 421.

87 Ibid. P. 344-345.

88 Ibid. P. 42.

89 Ibid. P. 333. It is strange that P. G. Sahasrabuddhe did not also include samuhik pind , another phrase that requires special sophistication in translation. However, playing with Sanskritisms, he explained that increasing ahamkar is nothing more than reaching the Supreme by merging with him (ahamkar vyapak karne hec paramarthat uddista aste. 'aham' mhanje mi ek vyakti hi bhavna takun 'aham brahmasmi' asa bhav manat banvava, ase tattvavete sangtat). - P. 425.

Talgeri Pramod. 90 Bharatiytva kontya nikasavar tapasave? // Saptahik sakal. 2.01.1999. P. 4-9.

91 Ibid. P. 8.

92 Ibid.

93 Letter to the author of the article dated 24.10.2000. By the way, this version was proposed by Professor A. R. Kulkarni after consulting with Sanskrit pandits and is based on the semantics of the verb form asmi, i.e. it was developed outside the use of the lexeme asmita in the Marathi context. The Marathi equivalent proposed by A. R. Kulkarni is mi ahe hi bhavna ("realizing that I exist").

94 Narasimha Chintaman Kelkar (1872-1947) - associate of B. G. Tilak, editor of the Kesri newspaper and a famous Marathi writer.

95 Asmita maharastraci. P. 16.

96 Ibid. P. 28.

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