Libmonster ID: IN-1348
Author(s) of the publication: F. Grene

As G. A. Pugachenkova correctly emphasized in all her publications devoted to the royal pavilion of Halchayana (1), the characters appearing on the reliefs made of unfired clay are concrete historical heroes; these images (or at least the most important of them) are not just abstract ethnic types, but portraits of specific personalities who, most likely, are the most important figures in the world. most likely, they were recognizable by their contemporaries. For us, such recognition can only be partial and hypothetical, because, on the one hand, we do not have any information about those members of the Kushan royal family who did not ascend to the throne (2). On the other hand, the images of the rulers ' faces themselves are poorly known: portraits on coins, with the exception of those who did not ascend to the throne. what belongs to "Gerai" lacks realism, and all the royal stone statues that have survived to this day, the heads have not been preserved.

Meanwhile, we have a striking portrait minted on the Bactrian tetradrachms "Geraya", the character of which is very similar to the images of the representatives of the royal Yuezhi clan, depicted in Halchayan both in battle scenes and in court life. However, G. A. Pugachenkova never claimed that the Halchayan pavilion is a kind of "monument to Gerai" (3.) The greatest similarity with coin portraits is inherent not in the ruler sitting on the throne (a man in full bloom, with a tiara on his head), but in the young standing triumphant prince, who is represented on another panel demonstrating the victory of the Russian Empire. armor of a defeated cataphractary. However, even if G. A. Pugachenkova had used the term "Geraids", her proposed early date for the" Geraya " coins (the second half of the first century BC) influenced the dating of the pavilion and its reliefs to a much greater extent than the actual archaeological material, which is not dated with such accuracy.

Without going back to the question of the obvious connection between the reliefs of Halchayan and the Geraya coins, it should be noted that recent numismatic studies (comparison with Indo-Parthian coin types) lead to some "rejuvenation" of the dating of these coins. Taking into account the data of these studies in her recent articles devoted to the issues discussed [4], G. A. Pugachenkova now suggests a date close to the turn of our era. Subsequently, a more radical position was taken by J. R. R. Tolkien. Kribb, who convincingly proves that the type of "horseman king" on the reverse of the tetradrachms "Gerai" could only be an imitation of the coinage of Gondofar, who reigned from 20 AD to at least 46 AD. More difficult to prove is his idea that "Gerai" is not the immediate local predecessor of Kujula Kadfiz-the original the founder of the Kushan Empire, but Kujula Kadfiz himself (5.) It seems that in any case it would be reasonable, as he did

1. Pugachenkova G. A. Khalchayan. Tashkent, 1966; same name. Sculpture of Halchayan, Moscow, 1971.

2. With the sole exception of devaputra Sadashkan, son of Kujula Kadfiz, who is famous for the Indian inscription (Fussnwn G. / / Documents epigraphiques kouchans (III) / / BEFEO. 1982. 71. P. 1-46). But, as J. admits. Fussman may be just another name for Wim Taktu (alias Soter Megas), the son and later heir of Kujula Kadfiz.

3. Meanwhile, this expression was used by J. Fussmann: Chronique des etudes kouchanes (1975-1977) / / JA.1978. 266. P. 427.

4. Pugachenkova G. A. K netikhayushchikh diskussiyam: varvarsky Heliokles, Gerai, Soter Megas [To the never-ending discussions: the Barbarian Heliocles, Gerai, Soter Megas]. Tashkent, 1986. pp. 98-107; ona. Once again about the Khalchayan sculpture / / Central Asia. New monuments of Writing and Art, Moscow, 1987, pp. 253-267.

5. Crihb J. The "Heraus" Coins: Their Attribution to the Kushan king Kujula Kadphises, P. 30-80 // Essays in

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1." Prince of Parthia " by Khalchayan (nose restored)

2. Vardan I (c. 39-47 AD), tetradrachm of the Seleucian coinage on the Tigris

He suggests that the beginning of Kujula's reign should be considered up to 50 AD, maybe even the 30s, and its end should be extended to the 80s. Such a long reign might have been consistent with the Chinese chronicles, which state that the founder of the Kushan Empire died at the very venerable age of 80. These are, in general terms, the main points of the discussion (6) around "Gerai" and its dating, which is directly related to the dating of Halchayan.

Here, I would like to focus on another character who could" confirm " (perhaps even more accurately) this date. We are talking about the "Parthian prince" (7), who, judging by the position of the fallen fragments of the central panel of the far wall, located opposite the entrance, was depicted standing on the right side of the ruler sitting on the throne, and both characters are made in the same scale. The curled pointed beard and hairstyle in the form of long strands of curly hair falling at an angle and cut at the level of the neck are unique for the entire ensemble of portraits of Khalchayan and, as G. A. Pugachenkova rightly emphasized, leave no doubt about his ethnicity. There is also no question about his royal status: there is a tiara on his forehead, with hair falling on each side, and not just a tightening headband used by Yuezhi archers to maintain hair (Figure 1).

Who is this character? Comparing his face with coin portraits of several Arshakid kings of the first century BC and, in particular, with Phraates IV (38-2 BC), G. A. Pugachenkova came to a cautious conclusion in 1971: "Chronologically, it is permissible to identify the Khalchayan sculptural head with both Arshakid sovereigns. But even if this is not the case, it is certainly an image of some Parthian prince, perhaps the ruler of an area adjacent to the Amudarya regions of the early Kushans (for example, the Indo-Parthian possessions in Punjab). In any case, its reality is beyond doubt "(8).

The Indo-Parthian hypothesis seems unlikely, since this hairstyle is not found on coins of this dynasty. But the ongoing debate over the date of "Gerai" encourages us to search for possible analogies among the arsh-


Honour of Robert Carson and Kenneth Jenkins/Ed. М. Price, A. Burnett and R. Bland. L., 1993. P. 107-134. PI. XXIII-XXVII. The inscription "Gerai" should be read as HIAOY or HIAIOY (according to the issues), which could be considered a variant of the title yabguf'yavgu.

6. See Cribh J. A New Bactrian Inscription of Kanishka the Great, part II: The Rabatk Inscription, Its Historical Implications and Numismatic Context// Silk Road Art and Archaeology. 1995-1996. 4. P. 97-127, 138-142.

7. Pugachenkova. Sculpture of Halchayan. p. 60. Fig. 59.

8. Ibid., p. 55.

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the Kid kings. Among the rulers of the first century AD, Vardan I (c. 39-47) (9) and Vologases I (c. 51-79) seem to be the most likely candidates for possible identification with the Khalchayan character, since they are drawn together by numerous details: the absence of a tiara, a beard cut in the form of a regular triangle (without an additional peculiar curl, "goatee", which adorns the chin of other kings), a hairstyle with large curls falling in four or five rows (Fig. 2).

Oddly enough, it was never noted that among all those who reigned after Mithridates I, Vardan I is the only Arsacid ruler to whom the ancient source attributes direct contacts with Bactria. According to Tacitus (Ann. XI. 8-10), towards the end of his reign, Vardanes was overthrown overnight by his brother Gotarzos II, who relied on the mercenaries of the Daians and Hyrcans. "Vardanus, forced to retreat from Seleucia, moves his camp to the fields of Bactria." A little later, it seems, he was called to the throne by the Parthian nobility. After defeating his brother on the river Erind, who again raised a rebellion in Hyrkania, "Vardan, after a series of successful battles, conquered the peoples who lived between the named river and the Sind River, which separates the Dai from the Arei. This was the end of the Parthians ' success, for despite their victories, they did not want to fight a war far from their homeland. So, after erecting monuments and inscribing inscriptions on them proclaiming his power and that no Arsacid before him had imposed tribute on these tribes, Vardan returns to Parthia, covered with a loud glory and for this reason even more unbridled and obnoxious to his subjects. A plot was formed against him, and while hunting he was killed, carried away by it and unaware of anything. He was still very young, but he would have been revered as a few of the old kings in years, if he had thought as much about winning the love of his countrymen as about instilling fear in his enemies."

What is the significance of this reference to Bactria? Tacitus does not use this term by mistake and not accidentally for the general designation of the most remote East, unlike other ancient authors. In all his work, he uses it only twice: here and in a speech addressed to Germanicus by one of the Egyptian priests, who intended to translate the list of Ramesses ' victories (Ann. II. 60). The entire passage about Vardan is distinguished by the accuracy of geographical information, apparently drawn from a reliable source: Tacitus points out that the Sind River "separates the Dai from the Arei". And we know from medieval toponymy that Sindh is the ancient name of the Tejen (10), which flows through the Herat Plain (ancient Aria).


9. Sellwood D. An Introduction to the Coinage of Parthia. 2nd. ed. L., 1980. Тур. 64, 1-30.

10. См. Gutschmidt A. von. Geschichte Irans und seiner Nebenlander. Tubingen, 1888. S. 126. Not. 2; Markwart .1. Wehrot und Arang. Leiden, 1938. P. 6-7. Geographer Yakut (Buldan. III. 167) indicates that the name "Sind" was preserved in the vicinity of Abiverd. Giving his thoughts on this passage from Tacitus ' Annals, E. V. Rtveladze (Parthia and Bactria / / In the Land of the Gryphons. Papers on Central Asian Archaeology in Antiquity / Ed. A. Invernizzi. Firenze, 1995. P. 181-190) suggests identifying Sindh with Murghab, citing as evidence the fact that the toponym "Sindj" (Arabic transcription) is known in the Merv region; but the Arabic version "Sink" (in Muqaddasi) and the Persian form " Sing "(Hudud ol-Alam) proves that these toponyms cannot in any case be derived from the form"Sindh". Moreover, the identification of R. Erind with Harirud-Tejen is not justified from a linguistic point of view. Tacitus ' Erind is clearly identical to Ptolemy's Harindas (VI. 2-3) and Hirand of the treatise on geography of Hudud ol-Alam (6.50.32.1), it is the river Gurgan. For various points of view on this problem, see Monchi-Zadeh D. Topographisch-historische Studien zum Iranischen Nationalepos. Wiesbaden, 1975. S. 124-125, 198. The form "Erindes", which can be found in Tacitus 'work, is a kind of adaptation of the Iranian toponym "Harind": the author brought the unusual term closer to the more familiar poetic name of the Po river "Eridanus". A. S. Balakhvantsev in a recently published article (Dakhs and arias in Tacitus/ / VDI. 1998. N 2. pp. 152-160) gives a different interpretation of this passage. According to the presented theory, all the events mentioned by Tacitus unfolded on the border of Arachosia and India, which contradicts the already established scientific identification of the rivers Erindes and Gurgan. Unfortunately, this point of view was not taken into account by the author, just as the obvious parallels between the texts of Strabo and Tacitus remained unnoticed.

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Confirmation of this localization can be found in Strabo's Geography XI.8.2. where it says: "Of the dais, some are called aparnas, others xanthias, and still others urinals. The Aparnas are closest to Hyrcania and the sea bordering it; the others extend even to the area opposite Aria." According to the latest version of the translation and commentaries of Strabo's XI Book, made by Fr. Lasserrom (11), the verb yutptarksh used in the text, probably means a river border. According to Lasserre, this is most likely R. Tejen. Over which peoples did Vardan win this famous victory, pushing its borders all the way to Tejen? It is logical to immediately assume that these were the most eastern branches of the nomadic Dai, i.e. Strabo's xanthia and Pissura. But it is also clear that the stabilization of the border 100 km from the Merv oasis could not have happened without a single conflict, or at least a compromise with the inhabitants of this oasis. Tacitus ' text clearly indicates that Vardan intended to advance further beyond the Tejen, and only a lack of enthusiasm among his troops prevented this. These eastern rivals might be identified as the Indo-Parthians, over whom Gondofar then completed his glorious reign, but his coins are not found in Margiana, where the Indo-Parthians seem to have seized power later, under Sanabar I (12). In the middle of the first century, Margiana was in the hands of what, for lack of a better name, we call "local rulers" who minted their own coins in imitation of the Arsacids (13). A similar situation can also be observed in the western part of Bactria on the example of the royal necropolis of Tillya tepe, which dates from approximately the same era (14).

Paul Bernard very convincingly proved that they were " Saks "(or, to be absolutely precise," Sakarawaks") - nomads who dominated the territory of 500 km that stretched between the ancient Arsacid Empire and the emerging Kushan Empire (15). He was also the first to show that at least one Khalchayan panel, featuring yuezhi archers and "Caucasian" cataphractaries together, depicts a battle scene where the Yuezhi put to flight the cataphractaries, which he defines as saki (16).


11. Strabon. Geographic. Т. VIII (Livre XI) /Texte etabli et traduit par F. Lasserre. P., 1975. P. 84. Not. 1.

12. Masson M. E. Vostochno-parthian ruler of Sanabar / / Numismatic collection. Tr. Gos. Historical Museum. 26. M .. 1957. p. 24 el.

13. Pilipko V. N. Parthian bronze coins with the sign " P " under the face / / VDI. 1980. N 4. pp. 105-124; on. Margiana // The oldest states of the Caucasus and Central Asia, Moscow, 1985, p. 242. The study of coin stamps shows that the more or less direct power of the Arsacids over Margiana was probably established from the time of Mithridates I (or only under Artabanes I) and lasted only until Phraatacus, i.e., until the turn of our era.

14. Koshelenko G. A., Sarianidi V. I. Les monnaies de la necropole de Tillja-tepe (Afghanistan) / / Studia Iranica. 1992. 21. P. 21-32. PI. 1. Numerous imitations of the drachmas of Phraat IV found in the Takht-Sangin temple (Zeymal E. V. Coins from the Excavations from Takht-i Sangin (1976-1991) / / Studies in Silk Road Coins and Culture / Ed. K. Tanabe, J. Cribb, H. Wang. Kamakura, 1997. P. 89-110) may have been sacrificial offerings brought by pilgrims from West Bactria.

15. Bernard P. Les nomades conquerants de 1'empire greco- bactrien. Reflexions sur leur identite ethnique et culturelle // CRAIBL. 1987. P. 758-768; idem. Rez.: Pugachenkova G. A. Once again about the Khalchayan sculpture / / Abstracta Iranica. 1988. 11. N 222. See also: Abdoullaev K. Nomadism in Central Asia: the Archaeological Evidence (2nd-1 centuries B.C.) //The Land of the Gryphons. P. 151-161.

16. The definition of "Mongoloid" in relation to the physical type of yuezhi (oblong and slanted eyes, eyebrows rising to the temples, sloping forehead, flattened back due to artificial deformities of the skull) was, however, evaluated by the anthropologist T. K. Khodzhaev (in a personal conversation) as not explaining much. To the arguments of P. Bernard regarding the interpretation of the battle scene, set out in the two works mentioned above (the presence of one riderless horse; the thrown weapon; the horse's hoof resting on the breast part of the cataphractary's armored armor; the obviously severed head suspended from the horse's harness), we can add that the scene illustrating the triumph of a young prince with captured armor, Obviously, this includes one kneeling pleader (Pugachenkov. Sculpture of Khalchayan, p. 60. Fig. 73). G. A. Pugachenkova correctly compares it with Sasanian reliefs (ibid., p. 63). In my opinion, the battle scene also depicts one prisoner (Pugachenkova. Once again, about the Khalchayan sculpture. Figure 5).

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Figure 3. Map of the approximate localization of events in 47 BC.

Thus, the surprising presence of a single Parthian king in the scene of the Kushan triumph can be explained, although it is likely that the proposed explanation, for all its persuasiveness, is more like a literary fantasy. This king could be Vardan I. If, as I believe, Tacitus ' reference to Bactria is not accidental, Vardan I may have taken refuge with Kujula Kadfiz in the period c. 47 (Figure 3). The latter may have been the same ruler who is depicted in the Chalchayana sitting on a throne and wearing a tiara on his head. If, as G. A. Pugachenkova suggests, the Parthian king is represented next to one of his spouses, then the latter may have been a Kushan princess received by the guest as a wife (such a marriage union was almost an obligatory consequence of royal hospitality). A short time after regaining the Arsacid throne, Vardan apparently won a victory over his eastern neighbors, and Kujula Kadfiz then defeated his neighbors in the West. They were events of similar significance; the simultaneous nature of the operations ensured their success and justified the portrayal of Vardan in the triumphal scene in the place of honor. The balance of power, in fact, corresponded to the principle of the Indian treatise "Arthashastra": "My neighbor is my enemy; my neighbor's neighbor is my friend" (*).

A NEW HYPOTHESIS ON THE DATE OF THE KHALCHAIAN RELIEFS Frantz Grenet

The clay reliefs discovered in the royal pavilion at Khalchaian (Northern Bactria, Uzbekistan) include, within the group of the Yueh-chi royal family (the "Heraeus clan"), a diademed ruler whom G.A. Pugachenkova has convincingly identified as an Arsacid king. The 1st c. date now agreed upon by numismatists for the "Heraeus" coins, and a fresh examination of kings' headdresses on Parthian coins, make it possible to assign the Khalchaian portrait to Vardanes I or Vologases I. It is argued here that Vardanes I (c. 39-47) is the most likely candidate, taking the events related by Tacitus, Annales xi. 8-10, as the basis: Vardanes, temporarily expelled from the throne by his brother Gotarzes, took refuge "in the plains of the Bactrians", then, after having resumed power, led a resounding campaign against the Dahae


* Translated from French by S. M. Gorshenina.

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as far as the Sindes river (i.e. the Tejen). As demonstrated by P. Bernard, the Khalchaian reliefs celebrate the conquest of Western Bactria by the Yueh-chi against the Sakas. If the Yueh-chi had coordinated their campaign with the Parthians, the inclusion of Vardanes among the royal portraits at Khalchaian could find a likely explanation.


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F. Grene, NEW HYPOTHESIS ON THE DATING OF HALCHAYAN RELIEFS // Delhi: India (ELIB.ORG.IN). Updated: 17.06.2024. URL: https://elib.org.in/m/articles/view/NEW-HYPOTHESIS-ON-THE-DATING-OF-HALCHAYAN-RELIEFS (date of access: 16.07.2024).

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