Libmonster ID: IN-1294
Author(s) of the publication: A. KUTSENKOV

Official visits of heads of state are considered symbolic milestones that crown certain stages of relations between countries. They are usually timed to coincide with the signing of the most important documents recording the parties ' assessments and approaches to the most important world problems, defining the principles and directions for further development of bilateral cooperation. The official visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to New Delhi on October 2-5, 2000 was no exception in this respect.

This is the second official visit of the head of the Russian state to India. The first Russian president paid an official visit to India in January 1993. More than seven years have passed between the two visits to Delhi by top Russian leaders Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin. And although the reasons for the pause are no secret to anyone, for countries that are not tired of exchanging assurances of traditional friendship, such a break has clearly been delayed. And given the western tilt of Russian foreign policy in the early 1990s, as well as the attention paid by the previous Russian leadership to contacts with Western leaders in subsequent years, this pause could not but cause annoyance and bewilderment to the public of Russia and India, which supports the development of Russian-Indian relations.

The importance of the documents signed during the visit, the warm welcome extended by the Indian side to the Russian leader, and the agreement between the parties on the visit of Indian President K. Narayanan and Prime Minister A. Vajpayee to Russia confirmed the mutual interest of both countries to preserve and develop traditional relations of cooperation and friendship. On the eve of the visit, the Indian authorities made a gesture of goodwill - five Russian pilots sentenced to life in prison for participating in the delivery of small arms to West Bengal were released from prison.

To be fair, it should be noted that between Boris Yeltsin's visit, during which the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation of January 28, 1993 was signed, and Vladimir Putin's visit, relations between the two countries did not stand still. During this time, the Prime Ministers of India, P. Narasimha Rao and H. P. Morgan, visited Moscow. Deva Gowda, and in Delhi-Russian Prime Ministers V. Chernomyrdin and E. Primakov. In May 1999, Vladimir Putin, then Prime Minister of the Russian Federation, stopped in Delhi on his way back from the OPEC meeting. Over the years, the two countries have exchanged delegations of ministries and departments, parliamentarians, public figures, etc. Political cooperation, defense, science and technology, internal affairs, foreign affairs, security, culture, etc. have developed.

The Declaration on Further Strengthening and Development of Cooperation between the Republic of India and the Russian Federation of June 30, 1994, and the Moscow Declaration on Protecting the Interests of Multinational States of June 30, 1994 were signed. This period is marked by the signing of many important documents, such as the Program of Military and Technical Cooperation until 2010, the agreement on mutual protection of investments, on long-term purchases of Indian products, on cooperation in space research, on the avoidance of double taxation, on cooperation in customs affairs, on the development of trade, economic, industrial, financial scientific and technological cooperation until 2010. Several meetings of the Intergovernmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technical and Cultural Cooperation were held. In April 1998, a hotline was established between the Kremlin and Rashtrapati Bhavan.

The extensive preparatory work carried out in Russia and India between the visits of top officials of the Russian state allowed the leaders of both countries from the very first minutes of Vladimir Putin's stay on Indian soil not only to continue, but also to deepen the traditional dialogue between the two countries.


The President of India described Vladimir Putin's visit as a "historic event". And there is no exaggeration in this high assessment. The visit resulted in the signing of the Declaration on Strategic Partnership between the Republic of India and the Russian Federation, the Joint Russian-Indian Statement, as well as more than a dozen other documents that lay the foundation for bilateral relations in the XXI century, develop existing and outline new areas of cooperation.

The main one, of course, is the Declaration. Its significance lies in the fact that it formulates the philosophy and principles of relations between countries in the XXI century, which are characterized as strategic partnership.

It is worth recalling that in both Moscow and New Delhi, the term "strategic partnership" has been used with certain reservations for several years. Just before the visit, in an interview with Asia and Africa Today magazine, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of India to the Russian Federation S. Lamba said:: "Russian-Indian relations are a priority in the policy of both countries, and in essence they are a strategic partnership." 1 The Declaration gives the term "strategic partnership" official status. "The parties hereby proclaim the establishment of strategic partnership relations between them," the Declaration says .2

Prior to the signing of the Declaration, the term "strategic partnership" had no specific content. Rather, it indicated the desire of the parties to replace the Ministry of Defense.-

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The concept of" special relations", which characterized relations between countries during the Soviet period, is a new model that meets modern historical realities. The Declaration gave him flesh and blood.

The Declaration notes that strategic partnership is based on the convergence of national interests, unity or closeness in understanding the most important international issues. It has never been hidden in Russia and India that Russia needs a strong and prosperous India, and India needs a strong and prosperous Russia. In an interview with Indian media on the eve of his visit to India, Vladimir Putin said: "It is in our interests that India will be a powerful, developed, independent power and an essential factor in international affairs. We see this as one of the elements of balance in the world and will support this state of affairs in every possible way." "This is the strategic meaning of our partnership," he added .3

Welcoming the distinguished Russian guest, President of India K. Narayanan, as if in response to the words of V. Putin, said:: "A strong Russia is not only the cornerstone of a multipolar world order, but also a cardinal factor in India's interests and standing in the world." 4 Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee at a joint session of both Houses of Parliament emphasized the common interests of both countries: "We share common concerns and common interests. The history of the last five decades demonstrates that the closeness of Indian-Russian mutual understanding is extremely important for peace and stability in Asia and around the world. This is what makes us strategic partners. " 5

Based on mutual understanding and deep-rooted trust in each other, the Declaration says, strategic partnership involves bringing the multifaceted ties between the countries to an even higher and qualitatively new level, giving them the character of particularly close and dynamic cooperation both in the field of bilateral relations and on the world stage. The" ideological " basis of the Declaration is the UN Charter, the norms of international law and universally recognized values - the sovereign equality of all States and peoples, the territorial integrity of States, non-interference in their internal affairs, mutual respect and mutual benefit, democracy, the rule of law, human rights and fundamental freedoms, nonviolence, secularism, democratic values and justice, international law. peace and security.

The Declaration sets out the mechanisms of interaction more fully than ever before. These include the annual holding of high - level meetings, regular bilateral political and inter-ministerial consultations on issues of mutual interest, mutual information on planned foreign policy activities, coordination of actions, joint initiatives on key international and regional issues, closer interaction in the United Nations, its specialized agencies and bodies, as well as at other levels. international forums.

If we leave aside some details and accents, then by and large Russia and India were guided by the same principles before signing the Declaration. In both Soviet and post-Soviet times, relations between Moscow and New Delhi remained friendly, that is, they were aimed at the benefit of both countries, they were based on respect for each other's interests and mutual benefit, they pursued the same goals - the preservation of international peace, nuclear disarmament, etc., they were strategic, that is, priority and long-term. In their relations, the parties used the same mechanisms-mutual information, consultations, and interaction. And the Declaration itself emphasizes its continuity with the treaties of 1971 and 1993.

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The difference lies, first of all, in the semantic load of the terms, in the tone of the document, which, while retaining many of the attributes of "special" relations, as defined in the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation of August 9, 1971 and the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation of January 28, 1993,give them, nevertheless, the same meaning as in the "special" relations. a slightly different meaning. The model of "special relations" essentially had the character of allied relations. To a greater extent than partnership, it is deployed externally, suggesting the presence of some third force, which may pose a danger to one or both parties. It imposes more stringent obligations on the parties to act to counter this threat.

The partnership is more inward-looking, more concerned with the relationship between the parties involved in this process. It implies less rigidity of mutual obligations, gives the parties the opportunity to choose both the subject and the nature and scope of interaction. The Declaration emphasizes that the strategic partnership between the two sides is not directed against any other State or group of States, and it does not pursue the goals of creating a military-political alliance...

It is easy to see that it is the partnership relations that correspond to the current state of India and Russia and the international situation in general. As you know. The 1971 Treaty of the year, which formulated the ideological basis of the "special relationship", was concluded at the height of the "cold war" and the military - political confrontation between the two superpowers and military-political blocs. The whole world, including South Asia, was the scene of this confrontation. In this confrontation, often against their will, many states were involved, which explicitly or implicitly had to take one side or another in their own interests. The geopolitical situation in Asia during the Cold War, the Indo-Pakistani feud over Kashmir, Pakistan's support for the United States and unresolved territorial issues with China, the threat of external aggression inclined India towards the "Soviet bloc".

To verify this, just refer to the relevant articles in this document. Thus, article IX of the Treaty emphasized that if any of the parties is the object of an attack or threat of an attack, Moscow and New Delhi will immediately begin mutual consultations to eliminate such a threat and take appropriate measures to ensure the peace and security of their countries. The 1993 Treaty, while recognizing continuity with the 1971 Treaty, retains, however, in a relaxed form, this provision. It states that in the event of situations that create a threat to peace or a breach of peace, the parties should immediately contact each other to coordinate their positions in order to eliminate the threat or restore peace.

Whatever reservations may accompany these conditions, they imply the enemy and the hidden threat of a military response to his machinations. And if we take into account the real correlation between the capabilities of the USSR and India at that time, it becomes clear that in this union the role of patron or guarantor of India's security was assigned to the USSR.

Since then, the situation has changed dramatically. The Soviet Union and the Warsaw Bloc collapsed, and the military-political confrontation between the two world military-political blocs ceased. Russia has put an end to communism and embarked on the path of market relations and democracy. Clumsy reforms have set its economy back many years. And although in recent years there have been changes for the better in Russia - the decline in production has stopped and even an increase in production has begun, anarchy, which threatened further disintegration of the country, is being replaced by consolidation of power, stabilization of the political and social situation in the country, Russia remains a weak and largely dependent country. Even if Russia wanted to act as the former patron of India, it would simply not be able to play this role.

As for India, it has become one of the most dynamically developing countries in the world. Having started economic reforms almost simultaneously with Russia, India has achieved a significant increase in production in both agriculture and industry. After conducting a nuclear weapons test in May 1998, it became the de facto sixth nuclear Power. India's position in the international arena has strengthened. Its defensive power has been strengthened. It is unlikely to be threatened by large-scale aggression from outside today, and it no longer needs any protection or patrons.

Thus, the current situation of Russia and India makes the power component in Russian-Indian relations unnecessary, and practically impossible to implement. Moreover, the international environment, the deepening processes of globalization, and the growing interdependence of States and organizations in the region are becoming increasingly complex.-

page 18

As A. Gusher so elegantly put it, these relations force Russia and India to build their international relations taking into account the interests of a "third country" .6 This requires more freedom of maneuver and minimization of obligations towards anyone.

But does all this mean that Russia and India are getting further apart? Not at all. In the end, if there is mutual interest, the principles and mechanisms of strategic partnership set out in the Declaration allow Russia and India to jointly search for and find effective ways to resolve any crisis situations. To do this, there is no need to take the appropriate pose in advance. It should also be added that the intergovernmental agreement on mutual protection of confidential materials, as well as agreements on the development of cooperation between the Ministries of Internal Affairs. The Security Councils of both countries and other similar agencies make these relations even more trusting...

But the main thing is that the Declaration and its accompanying agreements indicate a deepening of mutual understanding and agreement between the countries on the most important issues of international life and politics of both countries. The Declaration clearly states that the goal of cooperation is "to consolidate positive trends in the world", to promote the construction of a multipolar structure of the world based on the sovereign equality of all States and peoples, democratic values and justice, and to make a joint contribution to strengthening international peace and security, as well as to promoting the establishment of a new, just and stable world order.. One of the most important areas of cooperation is the democratization of international relations and increasing the role of the UN. The Russian side confirmed its support for India's aspiration to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council.

The two countries ' strategic partnership aims at strengthening international peace and security, general and complete disarmament, and systematic and consistent measures to reduce nuclear weapons on a global scale with the ultimate goal of eliminating such weapons. Russia welcomed India's adoption of a voluntary moratorium on nuclear testing and welcomed India's efforts to build a national consensus on joining the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. The sides stressed their readiness to work with other countries to start negotiations at the Conference on Disarmament as soon as possible on banning the further production of weapons-grade fissile materials, and the need to faithfully implement existing arms control treaties, including the ABM Treaty.

"The parties consider that international terrorism, extremism, ethnic separatism, cross - border organized crime and illicit drug trafficking pose a growing threat to international peace and stability," the Joint Statement reads. They condemn terrorism and extremism in all forms, regardless of what political, philosophical, ideological, religious, ethnic, racial or other considerations are put forward to justify them. The Parties condemn States that assist, encourage or directly support cross-border and international terrorism."

They stressed the importance of efforts to create a solid international legal framework for cooperation in combating international terrorism, in particular through the adoption of the Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism and the Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism. Russia and India agreed to make a positive contribution to the fight against illicit trafficking in small arms, which has become one of the sources of support for terrorists.

The parties noted with concern the growth of religious extremist forces in their border territories. Russia reiterated its support for India's efforts to normalize its relations with Pakistan and assessed its measures to combat terrorism and normalize the situation in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. India, in turn, expressed support for Russia's steps to protect the territorial integrity and restore constitutional order in Chechnya.

Russia and India expressed deep concern about the situation in Afghanistan. The territories controlled by the Taliban have become hotbeds of religious extremism and international terrorism. They expressed confidence that the situation in Afghanistan cannot be resolved by force. They called on the Taliban and their external backers to return to the path of peace talks in order to establish a broad-based Government that includes representatives of all ethnic groups. Russia and India have decided to create a joint working group on Afghanistan.


President Vladimir Putin's visit to India is expected to boost the development of business cooperation between the two countries. The scientific and industrial potential of both countries and the complementary nature of their economies create great opportunities for this. However, until now, these opportunities have not been used enough. Business cooperation in general is asymmetric, and in trade it is extremely limited.

Cooperation in the field of science and technology is developing successfully. This cooperation is based on the Comprehensive Long-term Program for Cooperation in the Field of Science and Technology up to 2000 from 1987 and separate programs between various government departments. During Vladimir Putin's visit, an agreement was signed to extend the Comprehensive Long-term Program until 2010.

"I have every reason to say that cooperation between Russia and India in the field of science and technology has developed dynamically," noted Academician G. Marchuk, co - chairman of the Joint Council of the Integrated Program 7 . The scale of cooperation in this area is indicated by the fact that currently 71 research institutes in Russia and 55 institutes and laboratories in India are involved in it. Over the past 13 years, since the signing of the Russian-Indian long-term program of scientific and technological cooperation, 156 projects have been completed. There are 130 projects under implementation.

This cooperation is characterized by two features. This is an emphasis on fundamental and theoretical research and a wide coverage of areas and areas of modern science and technology - mathematics, physics, theoretical and applied mechanics, astronomy, oceanology, biology, as well as energy, space research, agricultural and medical biotechnologies, modern materials, environmentally friendly technologies, world ocean resources and many others.

Work on creating new ones is progressing successfully

page 19

materials for the construction and electronics industries, including high-temperature superconductors, in the fields of immunology and biotechnology, electronics, technologies and equipment for the space industry, and new generation catalysts. Some developments are successfully implemented, brought to the product stage.

The Photon project plans to launch an Indian experimental satellite with a gamma-ray telescope to study the kinetics of solar prominences using a Russian rocket in 2001. A Russian-Indian powder metallurgy center has been established in Hyderabad. The center for the production of polio vaccine based on Russian technologies, which covers the needs of India in this medicine, is successfully operating. Research in the field of biotechnology has allowed us to develop an economical technology for extracting zinc from ore waste. A tuberculosis treatment center has been opened in India based on Russian lasers. Russia and India are developing projects for a multi-purpose transport plane, as well as a passenger plane capable of servicing lines with a length of 2,000 kilometers. A joint computer center has been opened in Moscow, equipped with the Indian supercomputer PARAM, which will provide an opportunity to conduct research in various fields of knowledge. Indian and Russian scientists have developed, designed and built the ILU-6 electron accelerator.

The main task of cooperation in this area, the Declaration says, is " joint search for opportunities for commercial application of the results of scientific and technical research and design developments." The Declaration provides for the expansion of forms of cooperation between scientists, including the establishment of direct links between research institutions and educational institutions.

Military-technical cooperation traditionally occupies an important place in the overall complex of Russian-Indian relations. In the mid-1990s, the Indian army was 70 percent equipped with military equipment of Soviet or Russian origin, the air force was 80 percent equipped, and the navy was 85 percent equipped. Despite India's desire to diversify its sources of military products, Russia remains its main supplier of military equipment and weapons to this day. Official data on the volume of Indian imports of military-technical products from Russia are not available. Unofficial figures vary widely, ranging from $ 800 million to $ 2 billion a year8 . In any case, they make up a significant part of the total Russian-Indian trade turnover and help the Russian military-industrial complex stay afloat and maintain its production, scientific and technical potential.

Military-technical cooperation is one of the most dynamically developing areas of cooperation. Welcoming the Russian leader at the banquet given in his honor, President K. Narayanan said: "Today, our defense relations have surpassed the simple relationship between a seller and a buyer and have developed so much that they include joint research and development, training and contacts between the branches of the armed forces." 9

Vladimir Putin's visit has become a new impetus for further development and deepening of cooperation in this area. An agreement was reached on the establishment of a joint commission for military - technical cooperation, intergovernmental agreements were signed on the purchase and production of the latest Russian T-90S tanks, armored vehicles and SU-24KI fighters in India under Russian licenses, as well as on the transfer of the Admiral Gorshkov aircraft carrier to India after the corresponding modernization.

These agreements can bring billions of dollars to our country. However, it should be remembered that agreements in principle are not yet contracts. The Indian market for military products is fiercely competitive. Foreign exporters use all kinds of political, ideological, diplomatic and other pressure to squeeze out a competitor. So, India has shown great interest in the Russian AVAX. In April 2000, she took one plane on a short-term lease. Its tests were very successful. But it never came to selling the plane. The reason for this was India's demand to supply Israeli-made AWACS aircraft, which is believed to be due to the influence of the Tel Aviv lobby in the Indian power structures. 10

The USSR was one of the largest suppliers of complete equipment and technical assistance to India for the construction of mines, metallurgical and machine-building plants, power plants and other enterprises. Russian-Indian industrial and technical ties are at a low level. However, it seems that today Russia and India are on the verge of significant changes in this area. During the visit of the Russian president to India, contracts were signed between Gazprom and Ges Osoriti of India, providing for exploration for hydrocarbons on the eastern coast of India. The issue of India's participation in investments in the production of semiconductor silicon at the Krasnoyarsk Mining and Chemical Combine is being successfully promoted. In principle, an agreement was reached on Russian assistance in the construction of the Kudankulam nuclear power plant in India. The North-South transport corridor, created on the basis of the trilateral agreement between Russia, Iran and India, which will significantly reduce the delivery time of goods from India to Russia and Europe, has started working.

The increased interest of Indian big capital in cooperation with Russia is evidenced by the arrival in Moscow of the delegation of the Confederation of Indian Industry, one of the three main organizations of Indian business that unites manufacturers of high - tech products, and its decision to open its branch in Moscow.

One of the new areas of cooperation reflected in the Declaration and other documents is relations between the regions of the two countries. Just as Moscow or St. Petersburg do not exhaust Russia, so Delhi or Bombay do not represent all of India. Russia and India are federal states in which the subjects of the federation have broad rights. In addition, there are large differences between the regions and the subjects of the federation in terms of natural and climatic conditions, the availability of natural resources, the level of development and the structure of the economy. These differences create additional opportunities for collaboration. Unfortunately, they are very poorly used.

Understanding the importance of inter-regional cooperation, the Embassy of India is doing a great and useful job in this regard. The Indian Ambassador to the Russian Federation, accompanied by representatives of Indian business, visited more than twenty major regional centers, including St. Petersburg, Novgorod, Kazan, Yakutsk, Astrakhan, Sakhalinsk, Krasnoyarsk, Yekaterinburg, Omsk. The deputy heads of mission visited Vladivostok, Irkutsk, and Nizhny Novgorod.

During Vladimir Putin's visit, a draft agreement on principles of cooperation between the United States and the United States was signed.

page 20

the Union territories of the Republic of India and the administrations (governments) of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation.

Trade remains the weakest link in Russian-Indian business cooperation. In 1999, Russia's share in India's exports was 2.26 percent, and in 2000 - 2.45 percent, in imports -1.10 percent and 1.38 percent, respectively. The range of trade items is extremely limited. In the first half of 2000, Indian exports to Russia accounted for 80.91 percent of the top 10 most important goods, while imports from Russia accounted for 85.55 percent. The composition of trade turnover does not reflect either the structure of the modern world market or the level of scientific and technological development of both countries. Thus, the top five products of Indian exports to Russia include cotton and products made from it, tea, coffee, and pharmaceutical products. Electronics and industrial equipment combined barely pass one percent. India's top five commodities imported from Russia include fertilizers, coal and coke, non-ferrous metals, ferrous metals and newsprint.

This means that the results of cooperation in the field of science and high technologies have not yet found the final product - a product. A limited set of mutual trade goods, as well as sharp fluctuations in world market prices for these goods, cause instability in trade turnover.

Currently, the payment of India's rupee debt to Russia plays a significant role in ensuring trade turnover between the two countries. As the debt is reduced, the reserves of mutual trade are also reduced. To prevent trade relations from reaching a dead end, Russia will have to solve a number of problems related to the trade infrastructure.

The Declaration provides for a set of important measures in this direction, such as developing cooperation in the banking and financial spheres, improving credit and insurance mechanisms, ensuring mutual investment guarantees, simplifying customs and other procedures, abolishing non-tariff and gradually reducing tariff restrictions, simplifying rules and procedures for entrepreneurs ' travel, and much more.

During Vladimir Putin's visit, the leaders of Russia and India agreed to create a joint group of prominent political and public figures from both countries, designed to develop recommendations to governments for further development of cooperation on regional and international issues. The need for such an organ has been felt for a long time. At one time, it was offered by the Center for Indian Studies of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

However, for some reason, science and the scientific community dropped out of the Joint Group. Meanwhile, it makes and is able to make an even greater contribution to the development of cooperation and friendship between our countries. Thus, the Center for Indian Studies was directly involved in the preparation and holding of hearings in the State Duma of the Russian Federation on Russian-Indian relations, and prepared a number of documents for government agencies.

The development of friendly relations between Russia and India has always been based on the consensus of the peoples of our countries. Therefore, this is not just a matter for Governments and official bodies. This is a living cause of the peoples. And the better the peoples of our countries know each other, the wider the contacts between them, the greater the exchange of tourists, scientists, and cultural masters, the more confident we will be that the decisions, programs, and ideas born during the visit of the Russian president to India will be successfully implemented.

1 Lamba S. K. Russian-Indian relations: yesterday, today, tomorrow. "India Today". Appendix to the journal "Asia and Africa Today", p. 2.

2 Declaration on Strategic Partnership between the Republic of India and the Russian Federation. Nezavisimaya Gazeta, October 5, 2000

3 Nezavisimaya Gazeta, October 3, 2000

4 Indian Bulletin. No. 9-10, September-October 2000, p. 1.

5 Ibid., p. 2.

6 A. Gusher Entering the 21st Century. "India Today". Appendix to the journal "Asia and Africa Today", p. 15.

7 Guriy Marchuk. Science as of most promising areas of Russian-Indian cooperation. "Towards the visit of Vladimir Putin, Russian President, to India", p. 70.

8 See A. Gusher. Entering the XXI century. "India Today", p. 14; A. Tamilin. The declaration was necessary for Moscow and Delhi. Nezavisimaya Gazeta, October 5, 2000

9 Bulletin of the Embassy of India. September-October 2000, p. 2.

10 Kedrov I. Contracts are not signed, but the work continues. Nezavisimoe voennoe Obozrenie, No. 38, 2000.


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