Adaptation of tribes at a lower stage of socio-economic and cultural development to the conditions of modern bourgeois society is an urgent problem for many countries. Different States have solved and are solving it in different ways. Democratic India has chosen the path of integration. It implies raising the material and social status of the tribal population to the level of the majority of the country's inhabitants, including them in the system of modern economic, social and political relations (or, as they say in India, in the "main stream" of social development) while preserving their identity and cultural identity. Since the first days of independence, the State has been pursuing a policy of "positive discrimination" - providing various kinds of assistance to the tribes, creating favorable conditions for their comprehensive development. Until 1975, the State adhered to the communal principle of aid distribution. Since 1975. it relies on the development of individualism and competition, the formation of the middle class, which is assigned the role of the" locomotive " of progress. This policy is bearing some fruit. But if the more developed tribes enter the "main stream" of social development relatively painlessly, then for the less developed (and such are the overwhelming majority!) integration results in impoverishment and the disintegration of traditional organizations and cultures.

THE ESSENCE OF THE QUESTION

A quarter of a century ago, the famous Indian ethnographer Professor L. P. Vidyarthi wrote: "Among the myriad problems that loom over our country, none is as urgent and confusing as the development of tribes" (Vidyarthi, 1980 (1), p.1). Since then, the tribal problem has become neither less acute nor less complex. The inhabitants of the tribes are Adivasi1, descendants of the autochthonous population, which, under the influence of Aryan and other invasions, was forced to retreat to inaccessible forest and mountain areas. Isolation has helped them preserve their unique culture and traditional way of life. At the same time, it became one of the reasons for their backwardness.

The exact number of Adivasi is unknown. The 1961 Census estimated it at 30 million, and the 2001 census estimated it at more than 84.3 million people (or 8.2% of the country's population). Currently, taking into account the population growth, there are approximately 100 million of them. Adivasis live in almost all the states and union territories of the country. They are not recorded only in Punjab, Kharian, Delhi, Pondicherry and Chandigarh. Most of them live in Madhya Pradesh - 12.3 million people (20.3% of the state's population). This is followed by Maharashtra (8.7 million and 8.9%), Orissa (8.1 million and 22.2%), Gujarat (7.5 million

1 In India, they are also called adhivasi, which means aborigines, vanvasi-forest dwellers, Janjati, etc.

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and 14.8%), Rajasthan (7.1 million and 12.6%), Jharkhand (7.1 million and 23.6%), Chhattisgarh (6.6 million and 31.8%), Andhra Pradesh (5.0 million and 6.6% respectively). Tribal peoples make up the majority of the population in Lakshadweep (94.6%), Mizoram (94.2%), Nagaland (89.0%), Meghalaya (86.2%), Arunachal Pradesh (64.2%), Dadra and Nagar Haveli (62.2%) [Annual Report 2006-07..., p. 28].

But this data is incomplete. They do not apply to all tribes living on Indian soil, but only to those who are "registered", i.e. listed in a special list. The first list of Registered Tribes, which was established by the President of India in 1950, included 543 tribes. The report of the Ministry of Tribal Affairs for 2006 - 2007 shows 700 PO's [Annual Report 2006-07..., p. 32].

There are several reasons why the PO list is unstable. One of them is to restore order in the legacy that India received from the colonial regime. In compiling the first list of POS, the Government of independent India used census materials conducted by the colonial authorities. English officials were primarily interested in tribes from the point of view of managing territories where the Adivasis made up a significant part of the population. And for this purpose, it was not necessary to delve into the individual characteristics of each of the many ethnic groups. As a result, many groups designated as tribes by English officials actually turn out to be agglomerations of tribes. Such agglomerations include, for example, Bhila. The Bhils, numbering 13.2 million people, are divided into 11 territorial-ethnic groups, each of which, in turn, may consist of several tribal formations. Another reason is political. The benefits provided by the PO State encourage some ethnic groups to apply for PO status, even if they do not have sufficient grounds to do so. For example, from 2004 to 2006, the National PO Commission received 2,700 requests from groups and individuals in Pondicherry to convert them to PO status. Other PO's, on the contrary, seek to transfer them to the category of registered castes (CC). CC's also have benefits. The transition to the WK increases the ritual and social status of castes in society.

Some of the tribes engaged in gathering, hunting, and slash-and-burn agriculture remain off the list. These tribes do not have permanent settlements and are therefore "invisible" to censuses. Today, 75 such tribes have been identified. They are called "primitive tribes" (PP) and are part of the PO. But some of them remain unaccounted for. Visagapatnam District alone has 15 such ghost communities (Krishnakumar, 2004 (1)).

Some of the so-called de-notified tribes, which the British authorities, by an Act of 1871, classified as communities "prone to systematic crime", were not included in the list of registered tribes [Majumdar, 1965, p. 374]. They were formed not on a kinship, but on a social basis and consisted of declassified elements, for various reasons expelled from castes and communities. Having no land, these tribes led a wandering lifestyle. The means of subsistence were obtained by various methods, including illegal ones. They were accused of stealing cattle, stealing crops, and committing robberies. Over time, these groups introduced endogamy, their own customs, developed their own slang language and, in the view of English officials, took the form of tribal communities. In 1941, the number of such entities in the present-day state of Uttar Pradesh alone was at least 1.7 million (Majumdar, 1965, p. 374).

The Independent India Act of 1952 formally removed the stigma of criminals from these groups. However, the law required the police to register them at their place of residence and "identify criminal tendencies in suspects." Later, this act was also replaced by a series of laws "On ordinary (domestic) crimes". By 1959, "denotified" tribes as a concept had fallen out of official use. But they didn't disappear. Some were deemed "registered". Today, the democratic community of India raises the question of giving the remaining tribes the status of "registered" (Krishnakumar, 2004 (2)).

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The fate of the tribes became the subject of heated debate even during the preparation of the Constitution of India. Given the special situation of the tribes of the north-eastern fringes of India, their desperate resistance to the attempts of the English administration to extend the full power of the Crown to them, some participants in the Constitutional Assembly even questioned the Indian citizenship of Adivasi. J. R. R. Tolkien's point of view prevailed. Nehru and his supporters. It consisted in the fact that the territories inhabited by tribes are an integral part of the territory of sovereign India, and the Adivasis themselves are part of the Indian people. At the same time, Nehru stressed that Adivasis are among the "vulnerable" or "weak" groups of the population who need state assistance. By helping them, the state should avoid gross interference in their lives, not make them "second-rate copies of ourselves", "not impose alien values on them", but allow them to "develop in accordance with their own genius" (Furer-Haimendorf, 1985, p. 322).

The problems of" development " of tribes, which L. P. Vidyarthi speaks about, are many-sided and many-sided. The main goal is to overcome backwardness, poverty and disenfranchisement. Adivasis are the darkest, most destitute and socially vulnerable citizens of the country. For the majority of the country's population, they, like the Dolites (formerly untouchable, but now registered castes), occupy the lowest level in the social hierarchy. Their civil rights are systematically violated. They are often victims of arbitrary actions by local authorities, discrimination, and societal violence.

The young Indian state has taken "weak" groups of the population under its protection. Article 46 of the Indian Constitution obliges the State to" pay special attention "to assist" weak groups of the population and, in particular, registered castes and registered tribes" in obtaining education, in ensuring their "economic interests" and "protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation" [Constitution..., 1950, pt. IV, p. 46]. The State pursues a policy of "positive discrimination" in relation to POS: it provides comprehensive assistance, creates favorable conditions for economic, social, cultural and political development, and strives to protect and ensure their civil rights. However, neither the policy of benefits nor the socio-economic progress that India has made since independence has yet led to a fundamental improvement in the situation of the vast majority of PO's.

In some ways, it's gotten worse. First of all, this affected their habitat. The life of most tribes is connected with the forest. They live in the woods. The forest provides them with food-wild honey, fruits, plant roots, game. Fuel, medicinal herbs, and tree leaves used by ordinary people instead of plates are exchanged for basic necessities. Trees, rocks, and streams are believed to be inhabited by spirits that they worship. Therefore, the forest policy of the state has been and remains an important factor determining the economic and social situation of the tribes. The principles of this policy were developed by the British authorities. According to these principles, only the State can be the sole owner and conservator of forests. Residents of forest settlements who have enjoyed the fruits of the forest for centuries and have mastered traditional methods of maintaining the balance of forest ecosystems do not have any rights to forests. In an effort to stop the process of deforestation, protect flora and fauna from destruction, independent India has retained state ownership of forests. The Adivasis were and still are users of forest land, with all the consequences that follow.

The development of the economy did not benefit the tribes either. It turned out that in the territories inhabited by tribes, almost all the reserves of wood, deposits of many minerals, and a significant part of water resources were concentrated. Construction of mining and processing enterprises, roads, hydraulic structures, plowing of land for agricultural needs, illegal logging lead to a constant reduction in the living space and life-support resources of Adivasi.

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The real disaster, especially for the tribes of peninsular India, was the invasion of immigrants. Taking advantage of the ignorance and backwardness of the Adivasis, newcomers from the "valleys" with the support of corrupt officials seize or buy up their land. The tribal population is subjected to rampant exploitation by merchants and moneylenders. An increasing number of impoverished Adivasis are joining the ranks of lumpen and bonded laborers. Attempts by the authorities to restrict or prohibit commercial land transactions in the territories of PO settlements are ineffective.

Tribal issues worry democratic India. Many international human rights organizations are also concerned about the state of Indian tribes. In the eyes of world public opinion, Adivasi's plight is a reproach to "the largest democracy" and damages the country's prestige. The need to solve the problem of Indian tribes is dictated today not only by considerations of public morality and legal awareness. The fate of the tribes is closely intertwined with the issues of the future of the Indian state-the preservation of its territorial integrity and socio-political system, with the prospect of India becoming a developed industrial power of the XXI century.

"REGISTERED TRIBE" - CONCEPT AND CRITERIA

Why long-term efforts of the state do not bring the desired results? There is no definitive answer to this question. To begin with, in India, where the care of PO is one of the priorities of state policy, there is no clear idea of which ethnic entity should be considered a tribe and on what grounds a tribe can be included in the list for registration.

For practical purposes, many Indian researchers use the concept of a "typical" tribe. A tribe is a structured and organized community of endogamous type, consisting of exogamous genera, having governing bodies in the form of chiefs, councils of elders, etc.The tribe has a self-name and territory of residence. The tribal economy is based on primitive technologies (gathering, hunting, slash-and-burn agriculture) and is focused on survival. Members of the tribe speak the same language, follow the same rules regarding marriage and occupation, and practice primitive forms of religion-totemism, animism, ancestral cults, etc.The tribe usually connects its origin with the animal and plant world, with supernatural beings and the forces of nature. The absence of property differentiation, collectivism and mutual assistance are the most important principles of organizing the internal life of tribes. "Typical" tribes usually live in remote areas, remote from caste settlements. But the most important feature of the tribe is its not only territorial, but also economic, and socio-cultural isolation. It is considered that tribes are not included in the caste system, nor in the system of modern economic and socio-political relations [Majumdar, 1965, p. 365-379].

But real tribes, including pos, often have little in common with this generalized image. The internal structure of an individual tribe can be very different from the standard. Not all tribes remain loyal to their traditional religions. Only 4.9% of the Dhatka Bhils living along the border with Pakistan remain animists. The rest profess Islam (65%), Hinduism (30%) and Christianity (less than 1%). Many tribes forget their native language. Such a sign as territorial isolation also loses its meaning. The Gonds, Santals, and Bhils are mostly mixed with the caste population. Not all tribes are economically backward. The Halbaa (who live in Chhattisgarh, eastern Madhya Pradesh, and western Orissa) continued to gather and hunt and developed agriculture (the name halbaa comes from hal-plow). Some families became large landowners. The tribe is considered rich and enjoys a high status among not only the tribal, but also the caste population. Many tribes have a developed system of social stratification. Among the Gonds, social groups - "aristocrats, ""tenants," and "workers" - don't even marry each other.

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Doubts are also raised by such an important criterion of the tribe as economic and socio-cultural isolation from a "civilized" society. "In pre - colonial India, in the central and eastern parts of the country, there was never any special isolation of tribes," notes A.M. Goryacheva. "The tribes were involved in trade exchanges with the neighboring Hindu population and were part of the village's weekly markets. There were even elements of Jajmani between tribes and local artisans and peasants" [India Today..., 2005, p. 70].

These days, even the most backward tribes are connected to the market. In the Koraput district of Orissa, where more than 20 such tribes live, according to William Stanley, the Adivasis regularly bring forest products to the weekly village markets and exchange them for food. Markets are not just a form of economic integration. "The Adivasi come into contact with other tribes and communities. Here the Adivasis are introduced to the beginnings of civilization."

A more or less generalized idea of the degree of economic and social isolation of POS can be made based on the structure of the working population. According to the 1991 census, "peasants" accounted for 54.5% of the PO population. These are those who mostly lead an independent economy, although their "independence" is very relative. "Agricultural workers" (32.7%) leave no doubt that they have already entered the system of traditional caste and even modern capitalist relations in an economic and partly social sense. The most important category is "other employees" (11.8%). These include those employed in the industrial and service sectors, i.e. people who live entirely or almost entirely by selling their labor force [Report on Impact..., 2003, p. 27].

According to Ganashyam Shah, one of the reasons that Indian scholars "did not understand the concept of tribe" is due to the specifics of Indian society, namely, the blurring of the boundaries between tribe and caste [Shah, 2004, p.92]. Indeed, both structures are based on kinship between people. Both the tribe and caste are endogamous entities, they have the same structure, the same management system, and so on. Many tribes served as the building blocks for a caste-based society. Many castes are descended from tribes. The transition of tribes to castes continues to this day. Some tribes are at different stages of this journey and can be classified into either of two categories.

For example, the Koraga tribe (Kerala). Mountain and forest koraga are mainly engaged in gathering and hunting and are considered a tribe. The Koraga who live in the valleys are agricultural workers. Their social and economic isolation is out of the question. For the Hindu population, the Koraga are an untouchable caste. The tribe worships the sun. But many of the younger members of the tribe worship Hindu gods or have converted to Christianity. The legends used by the Koraga to explain their origin are not typical of tribes, but of castes of low ritual status. According to one of them, they came from a mixed marriage of a brahmana woman and a sudra man. According to the laws of varnasrama, they were rejected by the caste society and thus became untouchable.

For obvious reasons, the authorities "ignore ethnographic data" when deciding whether to enroll an ethnic entity in the PO category [Beteille, 1986, p. 299]. But the Constitution also does not disclose the content of the concept of "registered tribe". Taking into account the recommendations of numerous commissions that have specifically studied this issue, the authorities have adopted the following criteria for "registered tribe". This is the presence of:

* signs of primitiveness;

* specific culture;

* "shyness" or" shyness " when dealing with the outside world;

* geographical isolation;

* social and economic backwardness.

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Due to the fact that the concept of a tribe is not defined, the listed features do not add clarity.

What is meant by "signs of primitiveness"? These signs can be found not only in Adivasi. Other traditional groups that are weakly affected by the impact of the market, industrialization, urbanization, modernization, etc. also have them. In India, the culture of any traditional type of group (diet, type of dwelling, decorations, family relations, marriage and funeral customs, etc.) is "specific" and unique. And on the basis of "social and economic backwardness", at least a third of the country's population below the poverty line can be classified as PO.

The reference to "shyness"is also unclear. With Jarav's "shyness", for example, everything is clear - they basically avoid contact with the outside world. There have even been cases of outsiders being killed on their territory (Sarkar, 1990, p. 77). But the desire to avoid contact with groups of a different ritual or social status is typical not only for Adivasis, but also for Dalits. And not only for Dalits. All castes, for reasons of ritual purity, are reluctant to engage in everyday communication with other groups.

The sign of "geographical isolation"is also not specified. In India, any community - type group - tribal, caste, linguistic, ethno-cultural, religious, etc. - tries to settle separately. But how should this isolation be expressed - in the presence of insurmountable natural obstacles: high mountains, water spaces? Or maybe the existence of ethnically homogeneous neighborhoods within rural and urban settlements? The Government of India, in any case, recognizes both "compact" and "dispersed" PO accommodation.

As a result, it is possible to find formations among the PO whose characteristics do not meet either the criteria proposed by ethnographers or those accepted by political practice. Taking into account the socio-economic and political interests associated with the PO (benefits, status, electoral support, etc.), the list of pos loses its objective basis and turns into a product of administrative arbitrariness, struggle between the tribes themselves, and political bargaining.

For the topic of the proposed article, it is also of fundamental importance that different tribes show different readiness to integrate into a "civilized" society. Some PO's try to maintain their isolation at all costs and actively resist any interference in their lives. Other tribes (most of them), on the contrary, interact to some extent with the surrounding society and are willing to use state benefits. Young Adivasis working in the industrial enterprises of Khatia (Madhya Pradesh) are improving their economic and social situation both as members of the PO and as participants in modern trade union and human rights movements [Vidyarthi, 1980 (2), p. 16].

The diversity and diversity of POS makes it a difficult task for the State to develop a development strategy that can bring maximum benefits to the entire tribal community.

USING THE TRIAL METHOD

In the state's policy towards PO, two interrelated areas can be distinguished: ensuring and protecting the civil rights and freedoms of Adivasis; overcoming their backwardness and improving their living conditions.

As for the first direction, the Basic Law of the country abolished all types of discrimination on racial, national, ethnic, caste and any other basis and equalized the rights of all citizens of the country. This rule, which is common in the constitutions of democratic countries, is of fundamental importance for India. According to the laws of caste society (varnasrama), adivasis are avarna. They are not part of a caste-based, i.e. civilized, society. "Ordinary people" consider them to be creatures of a lower order - "dirty", "wild", with "criminal tendencies". In everyday life, public places-

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Their human and civil rights are often violated in their work and social and political life.

The country has adopted dozens of laws that should guarantee the constitutional rights and freedoms of PO's. They provide for severe liability, up to criminal, for their violation. The quota system, which ensures proportional representation of POS in legislative and executive bodies at all levels, helps to eliminate the actual inequality of POS in public and political life.

In order to bring the authorities closer to the needs of the Adivasis and increase their role in managing their own affairs, the State has adopted a number of special administrative measures. In places where the tribal population is densely populated, "Scheduled tribes areas" are distinguished. In Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram, autonomous districts and districts are formed on the basis of such zones. In the remaining states, "territories of registered tribes" are formed. Local self-government bodies of "territories" are also given additional powers.

Advisory councils for tribal affairs have been established under the governors of states where "registered tribal zones" are located, and three-quarters of their personnel are made up of representatives of the PO. Expanded the rights of governors. The heads of the executive branch are authorized to restrict or prohibit the transfer of PO land into the hands of non-tribal populations, and to regulate the conditions and rules for granting Adivasi loans by private creditors (usurers). If the legislative acts of the center or state that affect the interests of the PO do not meet local conditions, the governors (subject to appropriate procedures) can amend them or cancel them altogether [Annual Report 2006 - 07...].

The protection of constitutional rights and freedoms of the PO is assigned to the courts, the prosecutor's office, and law enforcement agencies. The fundamental principles of this policy remain unchanged throughout the existence of an independent Indian state, which cannot be said about the second direction of state policy-the fight against poverty, social and cultural backwardness. Over time, its strategic attitudes and mechanisms have undergone significant changes.

Due to the abysmal poverty of the Adivasi, the state constantly had to decide on "fish and rods": whether to allocate always limited financial resources to immediately increase the level of PO consumption, or use these resources to create conditions for self-development of the tribes, which ultimately should lead to the same result. Given the urgency of the situation, the state decided in favor of both options, but in different proportions.

The most important element of the fight against poverty was the "public distribution system". The poorest citizens of the country, which includes not only PO, receive food and some everyday goods at preferential prices through cards and through state-owned "fair price stores" (MCCS) (in some cases through cooperatives and private retail chains). In total, there are 458.5 thousand MCCS in the country. Their services are used by 160 million families. At the expense of the central budget, consumers receive rice( or wheat), sugar, vegetable oil, kerosene and coal for cooking. States subsidize the prices of legumes, salt, matches, school textbooks, medicines, etc. from their budgets [Tritah, 2003. p. 5]. In addition to the public distribution system, the country has several special programs to help the poor. In accordance with these programs, the state provides the PO with work in exchange for food grains, as well as provides free housing or provides assistance in its construction, etc.

The policy of" positive discrimination " pays great attention to stimulating the economic development of tribes and integrating their farms into the country's economy.

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Initially, the authorities assumed that Adivasi lacked "knowledge and capital" to do this [Report on Impact..., 2003, p. 34]. Therefore, the elimination of illiteracy and the development of education among Adivasis have been and remain one of the most important priorities of State policy. The state solved and continues to solve the lack of start-up capital for PO mainly at the expense of budget allocations. Both educational programs and socio-economic development programs remain the largest items of government spending on providing assistance to PO.

However, the organizational forms and procedure for allocating funds were constantly changing and being clarified. In the first five-year plan, adopted in 1951, public funds for the socio-economic development of the PO were implemented within the framework of the rural community development program. The administrative division of this program was a" block " of settlements with 65,000 or more inhabitants. Adivasis living in the blocks received assistance for both general-purpose programs and special projects, which were allocated additional funds. By the end of the first five-year plan, the number of such projects exceeded 40. But these projects were general in nature and poorly addressed the specific needs of Adivasi.

During the 3rd five-year plan, community development blocks with a tribal population of 66% or more were transformed into" tribal development blocks " (BRS). By the end of the 4th five-year plan, there were already 504 DBMS in the country. On average, three times more funds were allocated for each resident of such a block than for a resident of a regular block. This form of organizing assistance was more successful. However, it did not apply to the PO population that lived in "general-purpose" blocks.

During the years of the 3rd and 4th five-year plans, relations between tribes and the state sharply worsened. In May 1967, in the village of Naxalbari (West Bengal), an uprising of Adivasi and landless peasants broke out under the leadership of CPI(M) activists. The main demand of the rebels was to grant land to the landless, release from debt and stop the seizure of land by the Adivasi. The Naxalbari uprising was soon suppressed. But the Naxalist movement quickly spread to other states. The ideological basis of the movement was Mao Zedong's teaching about the decisive role of violence in the revolutionary struggle and his program for creating "liberated areas". Unlike Adivasi's previous speeches, it showed the formation of an ideological and political movement that challenged the entire political system of the Indian state.

The authorities were forced to admit that their tribal policies were seriously flawed. Having studied the existing experience, a commission of experts headed by C. S. Dube in 1972 proposed to review the entire system of "positive discrimination" policy - its strategy, priorities, organization, funding procedure, etc.The proposals were mostly adopted and formed the basis for the reform, which continues to this day.

Following the commission's recommendation, the State dramatically increased its funds for tribal development. In the period of the 1st - 4th five-year plans, they did not exceed 1.02% of the total amount of planned expenditures and constantly decreased, falling to 0.51% in the 4th five-year plan. However, in the 5th five-year plan, they amounted to 2.94%, in the 6th and 7th-5.0% each, in the 8th-9.47%, in the 9th-7.8% [Annual Report 2000-01...]. The division of responsibility between the center and the states was clarified. The Ministry of Tribal Affairs, established specifically for this purpose in 1999, was responsible for directing and coordinating all work.

The main tool of the new strategy was the "Tribal Sub-Plan", which has been implemented since 1975.The "integrated approach" to solving the problem of PO development was provided for by the OPP. The OPP should summarize the numerous tribal assistance programs adopted at various times in the center and states, and link them more closely with the main strategic goals of the state - to ensure the economic recovery of PO, protect them from all forms of discrimination and exploitation [Report on Impact..., 2003, p. 34]. OPP is an organic part of the five-year plan.

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plans of the center, states, and union territories. But funds for its implementation are allocated additionally. The plan covered 21 states and 2 Union Territories. In the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland, where tribal communities are the vast majority of the population, tribal development is being implemented as part of five-year plans for these Territories.

Reaching the entire PO population with assistance programs is another goal of the reform. It is solved in stages. First, blocks and groups of blocks with a population of 65 thousand or more people were included in the scope of the OPP, then "enclaves" (or villages) with a population of 10 thousand people, and finally "clusters" with 5 thousand inhabitants, where Adivasis make up at least 50% of the population. Individual PO members are also not forgotten. According to the new rules, Adivasi citizens who are not covered by programs for blocks, enclaves and clusters can enjoy benefits and privileges at their place of residence by presenting the appropriate certificates. For territories where gatherer and hunter tribes live in isolated communities, there is a special "Program for Primitive Tribes". Its main goal is to raise the level of development of "primitive tribes" to the average level of PO development.

Ministries and departments of the center and states were required to allocate a certain share of funds from their budgets for tribal development and practically participate in the implementation of projects in their areas of activity (so-called development by sector). The advantages of this innovation are that specialists are involved in the implementation of specific activities. This results in a more efficient expenditure of funds and a higher quality of work execution. Much attention is paid to the control over the expenditure of funds. "Inappropriate expenditures", as well as incomplete use of State funds for the needs of tribes, were recognized as unacceptable.

The fundamental novelty of the OPP is a radical change in the strategic priorities of state policy. Following the course of reforms aimed at strengthening the role of market mechanisms, the state abandoned the communal principle of providing assistance to PO and relied on the development of personal initiative of adivasi. The authors of the OPP assumed that the development of" individualism and competition "would contribute to the economic and political growth of a prosperous middle class among the Adivasis, which would lead the PO out of poverty and backwardness, and draw them into the" mainstream "of Indian" civilized " society.

A Special Assistance Fund (SPF) and a Support Fund for Article 275 (1) of the Constitution (FPC) have been established to finance OPP programs through the central Government. The funds that come from the FSP and FPC are intended to encourage individual entrepreneurship, as well as to provide assistance to the population of the PO that is below the poverty line. Part of the FSP funds is used to pay for activities aimed at involving PO representatives in local government bodies and improving the status of women. The FPC finances individual housing construction, food distribution by card, free medical care and free school education, as well as the creation of exemplary social and industrial facilities (boarding schools, small irrigation systems, local transport infrastructure) [Annual Report 2005-06..., p. 6-11, 71].

These programs are implemented by numerous specialized organizations in the center and in the states. These include the National ST Finance and Development Corporation (NFKRZP). It is a State-owned company under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Tribal Affairs. The organization's assistance is focused on providing financial resources and services to individual citizens and mutual aid groups. It carries out its activities through the State Tribal Finance and Development Corporations. The latter provide

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preferential loans to entrepreneurs in the field of agriculture, small industry, transport, trade and services. Recipients of aid can include families whose annual income does not exceed twice the amount accepted for the poverty line, as well as women and mutual aid groups. Loan amounts and terms are differentiated. Women and individual entrepreneurs find themselves in the most favorable conditions [Annual Report 2005-06..., p. 6 - 11, 91 - 92].

The All-India Tribal Cooperative Marketing Development Federation of India (ADF), established in 1987, was supposed to provide fair prices (renumerative) for tribal products entering the market. It has its own research center, about 30 branches and a network of emporium stores. Total capital ($980 million) Rs) is owned by the state. The WFMWF provides financial support to State Tribal Development Cooperative Corporations (SRCs) in the United States. These associations are engaged in the development of storage facilities, the organization of processing of forest products, as well as lending [Annual Report 2005-06..., p. 6 - 11, 91 - 92].

The OPP is also notable for the fact that the State recognizes the increased role of civil society institutions in addressing the tribal issue. The 2005-06 report of the Ministry of Tribal Affairs states that the development of PO cannot be achieved only through the efforts of the state, and that "the role of voluntary non-governmental organizations (NGOs) with their roots in local structures and their duty to serve society is significantly increasing" [Annual Report 2005-06..., p. 95]. The OPP also defines the areas of activity of NGOs. They include geographically isolated PO settlements, as well as "primitive" tribes. The main activity of NGOs was recognized as participation in the implementation of state programs for the development of education and health care - the elimination of illiteracy, especially among women, the construction and maintenance of boarding schools and dormitories for students, craft training courses, health education, the organization of mobile medical teams, hospitals with 10-20 beds, etc. be free. NGOs ' expenses for these purposes are partially covered by the free work of volunteers and public donations. But the main sponsor remains the state. It is ready to cover up to 100% of adivasi's expenses.

To become a partner of the state, an NGO must obtain the status of a "recognized" or "reliable" organization. Out of thousands of organizations applying for this status, as of December 2003, 14 were selected - at the all-India and state levels. The State has also recognized the role of NGOs that are independent of State funding and operate independently. For the most part, these organizations represent foreign charitable foundations or are affiliated branches of Indian private, religious, community and political structures. They operate both within the framework of state programs and in addition to them. The number of such organizations increases from year to year. Many of them have considerable resources and make a significant contribution to the development of PO.

ANOTHER "MISSED OPPORTUNITY"?

The policy of" positive discrimination " in relation to PO dates back five and a half decades. Of these, its upgraded version, OPP, has been operating for more than 30 years. Given that tribal problems have accumulated over the centuries, it would be naive to expect that they can be solved in such a short time. At the same time, even this period of time allows us to identify those areas of public policy where its tasks are solved faster and easier, and those where their solution encounters serious obstacles.

Tasks that fall under the direct effect of the law and whose implementation is less dependent on the attitude of the bureaucracy or the civilian population are easier to solve. This is Holo-

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This can be seen from how one of the most important requirements of the "positive discrimination" policy is fulfilled - ensuring proportional representation of POS in the government system. The law does not allow for great liberties in this matter - the principles are formulated, quotas are defined, and mechanisms are prescribed. An Adivasi seat in Parliament, in the Legislative Assembly, in the Government, etc. can only be held by an Adivasi representative. Approximately the same situation is developing in the field of education. The main expenses under this item are borne by the State. Annual appropriations are determined by the Parliament and have a strictly targeted purpose. They can be looted, but it is difficult to use them for other purposes. An official who violates these formal but clear rules risks his career.

While PO's make up 8.2% of the population, the share of their representatives in the Lok Sabha, the country's highest legislative body, was 7.5% in 1999 (41 out of 543), and in the state legislative Assemblies in 2000 - 13% (543 out of 4072). In 2001, out of 2,722. 3 thousand members of panchayats at all levels, PO accounted for 243.9 thousand, or 9% [Tenth Five Year Plan..., p. 14].

In India, the official is more important than the legislator. Therefore, the picture in the sphere of executive power is somewhat different. In 1999, PO representatives in the Council of Ministers accounted for only 4.1%. The share of Adivasis in the central executive branch increased from 0.45% in 1974 to 3.4% in 1999. At the same time, the share of Adivasis in the most influential and prestigious Indian Administrative Service fell from 5.3% to 5.1% between 1996 and 2000. In the Indian Police Service - from 7.1% to 6.9%, and only in the Indian Forest Service it increased from 6.9% to 7.0%. Among lower-ranking officials (categories A-D) it rose from 2.8% in 1971 to 6.2% in 1999. Thus, as of January 1, 1999, POS "chose" 75% of their" legal " quota. Among the lowest level of the official hierarchy (category D), Adivasis filled - 85%, and among the highest (category A) - only 41% of possible vacancies [Tenth Five Year Plan..., p. 14].

This is usually attributed to the lack of qualified personnel among Adivasis, their low training. We can only partially agree with these arguments. The most notable achievements of the "positive discrimination" policy relate specifically to the field of education! From 1971 to 1991, literacy among the PO increased from 11.3% to 29.6%, and among the entire population of the country - from 29.4% to 52%.2% [Tenth Five Year Plan..., p. 11]. Thus, the gap has narrowed from 2.6 to 1.8 times in 20 years. Today, individual representatives of Adivasi can be found among specialists, technical and humanitarian intelligentsia, politicians and public figures. The relatively low level of their representation in the executive bodies is explained not by a shortage of personnel, but rather by the prejudices of society and the unwillingness of officials to share "bread" posts.

Less results were achieved in the economic and social spheres. From 1983/84 to 1999/00, the proportion of the tribal population below the poverty line decreased from 63.1% to 45.9%. Given the scale of the problem, this is quite a lot. But the task of raising PO incomes to the level of the rest of the population is not really solved. If in 1983/84 the share of poor among Adivasis was 1.4 times higher than the share of poor among the rest of the population, then in 1999/00. it increased to 1.7 times.

At first glance, the inclusion of PO in the "main stream" of socio-economic life in Indian society is quite successful. From 1961 to 1991, the share of Adivasis engaged in independent farming decreased by 21%, and that of those employed in the domestic industry-by 2.5 times. At the same time, the share of agricultural workers increased by 66%, and the share of "other workers" - by 23% [Report on Impact..., 2003, p. 27]. Thus, there is an intensive flow of Adivasi labor from the natural sector of the economy to the commodity-money sector.

Unfavorable starting positions-poverty, backwardness, lack of specialized knowledge-limit the ability of Adivasi to engage in entrepreneurship or

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apply your work in modern technological sectors of the economy. They are used mainly in agriculture, in some types of services (household management, security, garbage collection, manual transportation of goods and people), on earthworks and construction works. But when they enter the labor market, they do not completely break with their traditional occupation, nor do they become proletarians in the strict sense of the term. Unskilled physical labor is very cheap. To make ends meet, Adivasis are forced, now as an additional source of income, to continue their traditional occupations. This "allows employers, whether it is the forestry department or the public works department, railways, construction firms, or wealthy farmers, to pay them low wages" [Subramaniam].

The PO's debt to loan sharks and merchants increases every year. The usual form of debt repayment is working off, bonded labor, and essentially debt slavery. "The difference between slavery and debt bondage is usually small, especially when it comes to agriculture. In both cases, workers are considered an appendage to the earth. In case of sale or exchange, ownership of them is transferred along with the land. Both slavery and debt bondage give the master ownership of the worker. An employee cannot try to find a job elsewhere, he cannot refuse to work, and the owner can force him to work 24 hours a day. The owner also manages the employee's family" [The Small Hands..., 1996, p. 20]. Pre-capitalist survivals also entangle labor relations in small-scale industry. A labor inspector who surveyed 51 salt mines in the Raigad district of Maharashtra found the situation of migrant workers "shocking." "Many workers,"he wrote," do not receive anything for their work: they work off their previous debts." "The old practice of serfdom and forced labor is reproduced here by thousands of new methods" (Bulsara and Sreenivasa, 2007). Thus, the integration of Adivasis into the economic system of modern society results in further impoverishment and a decrease in their social status.

From 1980 to 2000, when the OPP was already fully operational, 11,282 new industrial and hydraulic engineering projects were implemented in the country; 8.5 million people were resettled in new places of residence; 72% of them were PO's. Moreover, in 2002, the BJP Government recommended that state governments stop granting forest rights to protected areas, which threatened the lives of another 3-4 million people (Kothari, 2007).

Adivasis are often unable to take advantage of even the benefits that they are entitled to by law. Rajiv Gandhi once stated that out of every rupee allocated by the state for the development of PO, Adivasi gets less than five pais. A significant part of goods intended for fair-price stores are stolen. According to some estimates, 31% of grain and 6% of sugar go to the black market [Jenkins and Goetz, 2002, p. 8]. In Andhra Pradesh, up to 50% of the land assigned to Adivasis passed into the hands of high-caste immigrants. Of the 154 families who received government assistance to build Adivasi housing in Chandur village (Adulabad District, Andhra Pradesh), 100 were immigrant families. In another village in the same district, out of 1,000 families who received housing from the state, 800 were "aliens" (Venkateshvarlu, 2007).

Hopes for the development of the middle class are only partially justified. Christoph von Fuehrer-Heimendorf showed this in the case of the Apa Thani, a small Himalayan tribe living in the Subansari district of Arunachal Pradesh. Until the beginning of the last century, the Apatani, who did not know money or even wheels, by the 1980s, according to the author, had achieved "phenomenal" economic and social progress. By this time, their large middle class controlled the construction of roads; the trade in agricultural products, livestock, and meat. In their hands was

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virtually all of the land in the valley was farmed by tenants, indentured and bonded laborers from the Nishi and Miri tribes. The Apa Thani themselves worked as contractors, managers, doctors, teachers, airline pilots, and government employees. More than 40 apa tanis have received university degrees. Even more young people were studying at universities.

Among the reasons for the rise of apa tanya, the author points out the following.

The first, and, in his opinion, the main one, is the regime of the territory of the inner line. It was introduced by the British for the mountain tribes of the northeast. It has been preserved in one form or another by the authorities of independent India. In accordance with this regime, residents of the valleys, representatives of the so-called progressive strata of the population are prohibited from entering this border, acquiring real estate and land, doing business, etc. This protected the population of the inner lines from exploitation, and the emerging middle class from the competition of the" more experienced and aggressive " Marwari and Komti.

The second is a specific combination of circumstances: India's strained relations with China, the border situation of the Subansari district, and large budget allocations for the development of a network of strategic roads. The millions of rupees spent on these projects ended up in the pockets of enterprising Apa Thani contractors and workers, and served as seed money for their economic recovery.

The third is the favorable attitude of the authorities. When slavery was abolished in the region in 1962, the State compensated Apa Thani for the economic damage it caused [Furer-Haimendorf, 1985, p. 312].

But there is another reason, which the author says in passing. This is apa Tanya's hard work and solidarity. The natural conditions of the highlands were not suitable for gathering. Their economy has long been productive and based on the cultivation of irrigated rice. Construction and maintenance of irrigation facilities, work in rice fields have taught them to work hard and discipline. Their populous villages, often reaching thousands of homes, provided close communication and mobilization of tribal members for labor and defense against the raids of neighboring tribes. The apa Thani were also familiar with"market relations". They systematically traded their surplus rice for livestock and meat from the valley tribes.

As a result, the Apa Thani have found their place in modern society. At the same time, they preserved themselves as a tribe, preserved their customs and culture. All Apa Thani gather for the annual festivities, including those who have not lived in the tribe's territory for a long time. Thanks to the system of mutually beneficial relations, they have achieved peace and mutual understanding with their neighbors, traditional enemies.

The isolation from the outside world that the inner line regime provided was also beneficial for some of the other tribes living in the neighborhood, such as the Nishi, Miri, and Sherdukpen. However, their success was not so impressive. This was prevented by the small number and dispersion of their settlements, the conversion of part of the Adivasi to Christianity or Buddhism, which negatively affected the cohesion, ability to mobilize and organize. The tribes of the peninsular part of India were deprived of many of the advantages enjoyed by the tribes of the north-east of the country and the Apa Thani in particular. They were exposed to the exploitation of middlemen and loan sharks from more developed communities, and as a result, their situation only worsened over the years.

"If a similar policy had been implemented in the tribal areas of Andhra Pradesh," the author believes, " the fate of the Gonds, Koyas, Kolams and Konda Reddy would have been much happier... Apa Thani and Gonds were at opposite ends of the spectrum of development opportunities. The Apatani are firmly on the path of upward development, and the Gonds face inevitable degradation" (Furer-Haimendorf, 1985, p. 312). The Gonds, like many other tribes in this part of India, never developed a middle class.

These are some of the general outcomes of the "positive discrimination" policy. The situation on the ground, especially in the outback, often differs significantly from the average.-

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phone numbers. This can easily be seen in the report of a group of experts from the Institute of Social Sciences in Delhi, headed by Dr. P. S. K. Menon, to the Planning Commission of India. The ZP settlements in Assam (Dhubri and Morigaon) and Tamilnadu (Kalrayan Hills in Salem District and Sithari Hills in Dharmapuri District) were selected as the study sites. Experts came to disappointing conclusions.

Neither in Assam nor in Tamilnadu have the authors been able to find a single PO family that has passed the poverty line. In Dhubri (Assam) The Adivasis do not receive any assistance under anti-poverty programs. In Tamilnadu, 83-85% of residents have ration cards. Fair-price stores offer them a limited range of consumer goods - sugar, flour, and kerosene. But most residents can't afford them either [Report on Impact..., 2003, p. 97].

A survey of two PO villages, Rakode (200 families) and Kovikade (70 families) in Salem District, Tamilnadu, showed that all these families live below the poverty line [Report on Impact..., 2003, p. 103-04]. They are all in dire need of loans. The state and cooperatives issue them in limited amounts and strictly for production needs - to pay for inventory, cows, goats, etc.In order to buy food during off-season shortages and pay for expensive but mandatory family and community holidays and rituals, they are forced to borrow from usurers, who charge up to 48% per year. Unable to pay back their debts, many families sold their plots to caste - based Hindu immigrants. The emergence of a middle class in these conditions is out of the question.

Rakoda and Kovikada have primary schools (5 classes each). All classes are taught by one teacher, and even he comes to the village 1-2 times a week. Therefore, it is not difficult to imagine the level of knowledge that students of these schools receive. The state provides flour for school lunches. But the children don't get it. But this flour is sold in the market for 70 rupees per bag. There are no medical centers in the villages. Medical workers visit 4-5 times a year. Vaccination of children is carried out irregularly, and infant mortality is high. Both villages have local government bodies - Gram sabhas and panchayats. They meet regularly. But their decisions, requests and complaints of residents remain without consequences.

In Tamilnadu, experts conducted an independent sample survey of the primitive Irula, Kurumba and Paniyan tribes. It showed that here, too, aid programs did not help anyone to overcome the poverty line. The authors of the report were also concerned about the fact that the vast majority of families surveyed were out of their traditional life support system. In Kurumba, wage earners make up 84.0%, in Paniyans-80.8% , and in Iruls-82.7% of the working population.

But the survey has produced results that suggest that government assistance can be very important for Adivasis. Between 44.0 and 68.0% of their homes were built with State aid. The discovery was an exceptionally high level of literacy. In Irul, it is 98%; all Kurumba and Paniyans can read and write. Primary and secondary education was provided to 41.6% of Kurumba, 42.2% of Irula and 69.0% of paniyan [Report on Impact..., 2003, p. 103 - 104].

The wide range of results of the "positive discrimination" policy does not allow us to give it an unambiguous assessment. In India, opinions differ on this issue. According to the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, " the State's efforts since the beginning of the planning era (1951) in the form of various plans, policies, special strategies and programs have brought certain improvements in the socio-economic situation of the tribes. However, the progress they have made has not brought them any closer to the mainstream of society" [Annual Report 2006 - 07..., p. 454].

Experts from the Institute of Social Sciences in Delhi in their report came to a tougher conclusion: The OPP failed and another opportunity to provide effective assistance to the development of tribes was "lost forever" [Report on Impact..., 2003, p. 96]. I think that this assessment is too harsh and not entirely objective. The state's efforts, of course, were not in vain. But it is also clear that society expected them to have a greater effect.

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Various reasons for the failure of the "positive discrimination" policy are mentioned. Some authors believe that the actions of state bodies responsible for the fate of tribes lack "political will" and even "sincerity", i.e. a genuine desire to solve this urgent problem. The task of developing a PO is delegated to the bureaucracy, which replaces practical work with organizational fuss - multiplying departments, commissions, and sub-commissions with their subsequent reorganizations, correspondence between departments, and so on.

They point to planning flaws - the overly general nature of programs that fail to take into account the diversity and diversity of tribal formations; weak coordination of projects of various ministries, departments and departments. The lack of budget allocations is called inertia, although over the past 30 years, government spending on PO development has increased many times and is unlikely to be significantly increased in the future. Representatives of human rights organizations see the flaw of the policy of "positive discrimination" in its undemocratic nature, in the fact that the Adivasis themselves are not involved in its development or implementation. Experts of the Institute of Social Sciences believe that the strategy of this policy - focusing on the development of "individualism and competition" - generally "does not agree with the traditional way of life" of Adivasi [Report on Impact..., 2003, p. 30].

Despite the apparent diversity of these opinions, they are all true in their own way. At a minimum, it follows that solving the tribal problem requires taking into account not only socio-economic, but also cultural factors, as well as the efforts of both the State and civil society as a whole. I will devote the second part of the article to these issues.

(The ending follows)

list of literature

India today. Spravochno-analiticheskoe izdanie [Reference and analytical publication], Moscow, 2005

Annual Report 2000 - 01 Ministry of Tribal Affairs (http://www.frontlineonnet.com/archives.htm).

Annual Report 2005 - 06 Ministry of Tribal Affairs (http://tribal.nic.in/TribalAR0506-E.pdf).

Annual Report 2006 - 07 Ministry of Tribal Affairs (http://tribal.nic.in/TribalAR0607-E.pdf).

Beteille A. The Concept of Tribe with Special Reference to India // Archives Europeennes de Soceologie. 1986. N27.

Bulsara Shiraz, Sreenivasa Priyadarshini. Driven to Bondage and Starvation // India Together. 17 Feb. 2007 (http://w ww.indiatogether.org/).

Constitution of India, 1950 (Updated upto 94th Amendment Act) (http://indiacode.nic.in/coiweb/welcome.html).

Furer-Haimendorf Christof von. Tribes of India. The Struggle for Survival. With contributions by Michael Yorke and Jayaprakash Rao. Delhi, 1985.

Jenkins R., Goetz A. -M. Civil Society Engagement and India's Public Distribution System. Lessons from the Rationing Kruti Samiti in Mumbai. Prepared and Presented at the "Making Services Work for Poor People. World Development Report (WDR) 2003/04 Workshop held at Eynsham Hall Oxford 4 - 5 November 2002.

Kothari Ashish. For lasting rights // Frontline. Vol. 23. Issue 26. 30.12.2006 - 12.01.2007 (http://www.flon-net.com/archives.htm).

Krishnakumar Asha. Always on the run // Frontline. Vol. 21. Issue 19. 11 - 24.09.2004(1) (http://www.flon-net.com/archives.htm)

Krishnakumar Asha. A 'primitive' perspective // Frontline. Vol. 21. Issue 22. 23.10 - 5.11.2004 (2) (http://www.flon-net.com/archives.htm).

Majumdar D. N. Races and Cultures of Ibdia. Frorth Revised and Enlarged Edition. Bombay 1965.

Package of Care Services under Tribal Sub-Plan (http://www.keralaplanningboard.org/html/modifiedguid-line/anx3.htm).

Report on Impact of the Tribal Sub-Plan Implementation in Improving the Socio-Economic Conditions of the Tribal People with special Focus on Reduction of Poverty Level covering the States of Assam and Tamil Nadu. New Delhi. Dec. 2003 (http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/sereport/ser/stdy_tribal.pdf).

Sarkar Jayanta. The Jarawa. Calcutta 1990.

Shah Ghanshyam. Social Movements in India. Delhi, 2004.

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The Small Hands of Slavery. Bonded Child Labor In India. N. Y., 1996 (http://books.goo-gle.ru/books?id=NfX3sRoJ3rYC&dq=the+small+hands+of+slavery&pg=PPl& ots=JwZ5x7dj-m&sig=MmrcX59tdfaJPQG2xpB-).

Stanley William. Integrated Rural Development of Weaker Sections of India. A Personal Glimpse of Exploitation of Adhivasis (http://www.widango.net/personal_glimpse_exploitati.htm).

Subramaniam C. N. The Tribal Question and Tribal Movements in Central India (http://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/Rdv3n2/tribe.htm).

Tenth Five Year Plan (2002 - 2007) (http://planningcommission.nic.in/plans/planrel/flveyr/10th/default.htm).

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Venkateshvarlu K. Conflicts Feared // Fontline. Vol. 23. Issue 26. 30.12.2006 - 12.01.2007 (http://www.flon-net.com/archives.htm).

Vidyarthi L. P. Introduction // Tribal Development and its Administration. New Delhi. 1980 (1).

Vidyarthi L. P. The Cultural Factors in Development Process. Case Study from Tribal Bihar // Tribal Development and its Administration. Delhi. 1980(2).

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