Libmonster ID: IN-1315
Author(s) of the publication: A. Y. YAKOVLEV

The predictions of some Western politicians and scientists, who hastened to declare the inevitability of erasing interethnic contradictions in the process of globalization and the "end of nationalism" in the late XX-early XXI centuries, have been repeatedly refuted and refuted by reality.

As in the past, ethnic divisions show extremely high levels of conflict and often serve as a powerful catalyst for confrontations and violence based on a wide variety of political and social issues. According to some estimates, 70% of the more than 20 million those who died in the world after World War II in armed conflicts and uprisings were victims of ethnic violence.1

Terrorism based on nationalism and separatism is also widespread. It is characterized by the use of ideologically motivated non-State violence or the threat of its use by individuals and groups of individuals in order to achieve sovereignty or change the political balance of forces within the State (region).

India is one of the most affected countries in the world as a result of terrorist attacks. Most ethnic and political conflicts in the country manifest themselves in the form of isolated short-term outbreaks or separatist movements that aim to form a new state or secede from the country. In the period from 1996 to 2006, more than 53 thousand people, about 550 thousand people, were victims of armed clashes and attacks on nationalist and religious grounds. 2 were injured.

NORTH-EASTERN HOTBED OF SEPARATISM

Separatist sentiments are strongest in the north-east of India. Between 2001 and 2009, 3,892 civilians and 835 members of the security forces were killed in 12,228 terrorist attacks (see Figure 1).:

In the north-eastern part of India, there are 7 states: Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura (see Table 1).

At the time of the country's independence in 1947, the north-eastern region of India consisted of one state of Assam and three Union territories. Subsequently, Assam was reorganized and three new states appeared on the map: Nagaland (1963), Mizoram and Meghalaya (1972). In 1972, Manipur, Tripura and Arunachal Pradesh also received state status.

Most of the region's population is made up of small peoples living mainly in mountainous areas. Today, the largest concentration of indigenous people is found in Mizoram (97.75%), Nagaland (87.7%), Meghalaya (85.53%) and Arunachal Pradesh (63.66%).3. In total, there are 250 ethnic groups in the north-east of the country, speaking 75 languages4.

Figure 1. Number of terrorist attacks in the north-east of India in 2001-2009

Compiled on the basis of data taken from: Routray B. P. North-East: Failure of Peace Progress / / Armed Conflicts and Peace in South Asia. New Delhi, 2006, p. 131; Ministry of Home Affairs, Annual Report, 2009 - 2010, p. 198 - 199.

page 22

Table 1

North-eastern States of India

State name

Area, km 2

Population, million people

Main languages

Capital

Assam

78 438

26,6

Assamese, Bengali

Dispur

Arunachal Pradesh

83 743

1,1

Monpa, aka, midji, apatani, adi, etc.

Itanagar

Manipur

22 327

2,4

Manipuri

Imphal

Meghalaya

22 429

2,3

Xahi, jaintia, garo, eng.

Shillong

Mizoram

21081

0,9

Mizo, eng.

Aijal

Nagaland

16 579

2,0

Angami, ao, chang, brandy, etc.

Kohima

Tripura

10 491

3,2

Bengali, Tripuri

Agartala



Source: India Today, Moscow, 2005, pp. 30-36.

The standard of living in all northeastern states remains extremely low. The proportion of the population living below the poverty line in the provinces of this part of the country reaches, and often exceeds, 30%5. This circumstance largely determines the nature of political movements in the region, which are common to their relatively narrow social base.

ASSAM: AN EXTENSIVE TERRORIST NETWORK

Among the factors contributing to the destabilization of the situation in Assam are the lack of a single language of communication between individual ethnic groups living in the region; the geographical location of the state on the path of drug trafficking from the countries of the "golden triangle", which significantly affects the provision of financial support to separatist formations; repeated administrative and territorial reorganizations of the state (in 1957, 1960 and 1971 Assam's loss of a significant part of its territory in favor of other provinces; the presence of constant sources of "income" from the tea plantations they control, as well as in the form of collecting "criminal taxes" from merchants and the population; the ongoing conflict between the Assamese and Bengali ethnic groups.

Militants receive a variety of assistance from extremist groups close to them in neighboring countries (Pakistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan and Myanmar), including in the form of placing on the territory of some of them bases, camps and shelters for recreation and military training of Assamese terrorists. The separatist structures of Assam also maintain close ties with similar structures of other Indian states, as well as with international terrorist organizations, primarily Al-Qaeda.

Separatist sentiments in the state are fueled by the fact that the state's population is significantly divided according to three main socio-cultural parameters (linguistic, confessional, and ethnic), and each ethno - confessional group is a minority, making up no more than 20-25% of the state's population.

In addition, Assam is rich in natural resources, but most of them are processed outside its borders, which is classified by the local population as" discrimination "and"exploitation".

One of the main reasons for the desire of Assamese people to secede was the excessive influx of migrants from other states and from abroad, which began after the partition of Bengal in 1947. A movement against "outsiders" has emerged in Assam under the slogan of protecting the local population ("sons of the earth") from the aliens. Co vre-

page 23

Figure 2. Death toll from terrorist attacks in Assam in 2003-2009

Compiled on the basis of data taken from: Ministry of Home Affairs. Op. cit., p. 198.

migrants from West Bengal and Bangladesh (the annual influx is about 300 thousand people) were the majority in some areas, which could not but cause discontent among local residents who remained in the minority. Rising unemployment due to overcrowding further inflames the situation.

A number of radical organizations continue to operate in Assam. The most famous of these is the United Front for the Liberation of Assam (OFLA), established in 1979. This structure, mainly composed of Assamese Hindus with a predominance of educated unemployed youth, in the late 1980s began an open struggle for the separation of Assam from India and the formation of an independent state. The leaders of the organization believed that before the annexation of Assam by the British, it was not part of India, and after the latter's independence, it became its "colony". The OFA currently has well-established links with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), underground organizations in Nagaland and Manipur, as well as left-wing groups in China and Myanmar. At certain times, weapons for the Front were obtained through Sikh extremists and the Khmer Rouge of Cambodia.

The OFO has gained strength and influence due to its extensive connections with other terrorist organizations and the availability of significant financial resources. According to various estimates, only revenues to the treasury of the OFA in the form of "taxes" from 1,500 tea houses and plantations in the late 1990s. annually amounted to 0.5 billion rubles. rupees ($13.7 million) to 3 - 4 billion. Rs 6.

As far as the social base of the anti-outsider movement is concerned, almost all strata of Assamese society, including peasants, participated in it. In rural areas, there was a sharp escalation of the conflict between the autochthonous population and immigrants. At the peak of the fight against "aliens" in the 1980s, a total of about 3,500 people were affected.7 The bloodiest episode in the history of Assamese nationalism occurred during the February 1983 State Legislative Assembly elections. At that time, according to official figures, 1,683 people were killed, but observers estimate that the number of victims reached 6 thousand 8, among which 80% were Bengali Muslims and representatives of small tribes 9.

However, despite the fact that in February-March 1983 the situation in the state resembled a civil war, the movement for expelling foreigners did not transform into a separatist one. The presence of natural resources, which could have been used as a strong argument for the viability of an independent Assam, was not fully applied.

After the dramatic events of 1983, the wave of nationalist movements generally declined. A significant role in this was played by the concessions of the central government to Assam: increasing deductions for oil production, canceling debt, allocating additional funds for agricultural development, etc. Nevertheless, in the 1990s, 427 civilians and 247 members of the security forces were killed as a result of terrorist attacks by the OFO (492 Front fighters were also killed).10.

In the first decade of the 21st century, militant terrorist activity in the state did not stop, as the following graph clearly shows (see Figure 2).

Currently, the OFA has solid human and other resources. It has about 40 bases, mostly located in Bhutan, and has about 2,000 fighters.

page 24

Figure 3. Death toll from terrorist attacks in Nagaland State in 2003-2009

Compiled on the basis of data taken from: Ministry of Home Affairs. Op. cit., p. 199.

NAGALAND: DESCENDANTS OF NOMADIC TRIBES

The Naga ethnic group is an alliance of related tribes that mainly inhabit the modern Indian state of Nagaland and adjacent areas of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, and the neighboring state of Myanmar. Although English is considered the official language of the state, locals prefer to communicate in the so-called Naga-Assamese jargon, which appeared as a result of contacts between Nagas and Assamese, while individual Naga tribes speak different dialects and differ in psychological makeup, traditions and culture.

The territory of Naga residence before its annexation by the British was not included in any state entity. Moreover, nomadic tribes terrorized their neighbors with their raids. The British in 1873 introduced the "inner line" rules, which prohibited access to the rest of the Indians in the specified zone. This effectively isolated the Nagas from the rest of India.

In parallel, there was a Christianization of tribes that had previously professed animistic cults. Today, 67% of the population of Nagaland professes Christianity (mainly Baptist), 21% still adheres to animistic and other beliefs, 12% are adherents of Hinduism11.

It seems that the main reasons for the emergence of separatism among the Naga are the ethno-confessional differences of this ethnic group from the tribes living in the neighborhood, the high level of self-consciousness, traditional militancy, the low level of economic development of the state and the poverty of the population living in it.

For the first time, an organization called the Naga Club launched separatist sentiments on behalf of the Naga tribes in 1929. She sent a memorandum to the J. O. Simon Constitutional Commission, established in 1927 to study the political situation in India, demanding the restoration of Naga independence after the British left India (in 1881, the lands of these tribes mainly became part of the new administrative-territorial unit of Mount Naga in Assam). The Naga Mountain District Tribal Council was established in 1945, and renamed the Naga National Council in 1946. The organization advocated independence from England, India and Burma, while providing for the possibility of establishing a protectorate of England or India over the territory at first.

After India's independence, the NSN began to openly call for the secession of the Naga territory. During the May 16, 1951 plebiscite, separatist leaders claimed that 99.9% of the Naga voted for an independent Nagaland12, and later they boycotted the 1952 Indian parliamentary elections. Civil disobedience forced the authorities to use force, which in turn forced Naga to take up arms.

The government's difficult decision to create the state of Nagaland in 1963, whose territory was extremely small, and the population at the time of its formation barely reached 400 thousand people13, somewhat reduced the intensity of separatist sentiment, and some of the militants laid down their weapons. After that, the secession movement experienced several more splits, but armed clashes between nationalist militants and government forces did not stop. According to Indian scholar B. P. Routray, 2,032 people were killed in skirmishes in the state between 1992 and 2005. 14 Data on those killed in the state from 2003 to 2009 are available.

page 25

it can be represented graphically (see Figure 3).

MANIPUR: ALSO "SONS OF THE EARTH"

This state also remains unstable. Among the reasons for the emergence of a separatist movement here are weak economic development (there is no large-scale industry in the state, hand-weaving remains the main branch of the national economy); excessively high concentration of the population (in an area that occupies 8% of the state's territory, 2/3 of its inhabitants live) and economic activity in the small Manipur (Imphal) valley, as another part of the territory is mountainous; social problems - poverty of the population, rising unemployment among educated youth, corruption of officials; the presence of historical memory of a long period of independence from India (Manipur was an independent principality from the first century AD; the mountainous region isolated within the region was annexed to India only in 1949); the influence of the state on the development of separatists from neighboring Nagaland.

The state's population consists of three ethnic groups: Meitei, Naga, and Kuki-chin. The Meitei (Mani Puris) mainly inhabit the Manipur Valley and Imphal city, while the Naga and Kuki Chin are mountainous regions.

In 1964, following the example of Naga, the playwright Areambam Samrendra Singh created the United National Liberation Front in Imphal. Due to a disagreement over the strategy of action in 1968, several radical leaders broke away from the organization, which then led the Revolutionary Government of Manipur. Later, Manipur also saw splits and amalgamations of various radical structures.

The Meitei groups were mainly guided by Maoist ideology and enjoyed the support of China. They were opposed to " rule of India "and for the expulsion of all" outsiders " who controlled 75% of all Manipur business, as well as held key bureaucratic positions in the state of 16.

The campaign for the rights of the "sons of the earth", which began in Assam in the late 1970s, spread to Manipur in 1980. In April of that year, riots broke out in the Imphal Valley under the slogans "Kill strangers" and "Manipur for Manipurians". According to the data presented in the authoritative Indian publication "India Today", during the week about 2 thousand people were left homeless (mainly Nepalese, Bengalis, Bihar and others).

page 26

Figure 4. Death toll from clashes in Manipur State in 2003-2009

Compiled on the basis of data taken from: Ministry of Home Affairs. Op. cit., p. 199.

Punjabis), 300 homes were burned, 150 people were hospitalized with injuries; retail trade was paralyzed in the state 17.

In the first half of the 1980s, the Indian army and security forces dealt a significant blow to the Meitei groups. However, in 2005, Manipur became the second largest state after Jammu and Kashmir in terms of human losses as a result of separatist actions - 410 people 18. The dynamics of deaths as a result of armed clashes is as follows (see Figure 4).

Despite the measures taken by the central government, there are still about 13,000 armed insurgents in the state, united in two dozen terrorist groups.

TRIPURA: HIGHLANDERS VERSUS LOWLAND PEASANTS

It is impossible not to ignore the events taking place in the state of Tripura. The principality was annexed to India after the entry into force of the Indian Constitution in 1950, but as a result of the reorganization of 1956, it became a union territory, and only in 1972 did Tripura become a full-fledged state.

Interethnic relations here are particularly complex and tense, primarily due to the fact that due to intensive immigration, the indigenous population of the state has become a small minority. The lowlands of the principality of Tripura became a center of attraction for farmers from neighboring Bengal during the colonial period. This has resulted in an extremely high population concentration. The share of the autochthonous population (Tripuri and other small tribes) gradually decreased. The majority of the population lives in the flat part of the state with little fertile land (60% of the area is considered unsuitable for plowing)19.

The Bengalis, who dominate the economic, social and political life of the state, pushed the local tribes into the least favorable mountain areas for economic activity.

As for the religious preferences of Tripura residents, most of the state's population is Hindu.

Mountain tribes, being in the minority, began to show a tendency to approach each other. Under these circumstances, leading Tripura public organizations, primarily the Tripura Indigenous Youth Organization, began to put forward demands for the recognition of the Kokborok language as an official language, the introduction of a Latin script, and, most importantly, the formation of an autonomous district. The aggravation of the political situation led to the introduction of a state of emergency. On March 26, 1979, the Tripura Legislature unanimously approved a law establishing an autonomous region that would unite indigenous areas, but the autonomy rights formulated by the central Government were significantly less than those demanded by tribal leaders.

The government's decision to grant the mountainous regions autonomy has led to the activation of Bengali chauvinists. Clashes between Tripuri and Bengalis, which began in May 1979, peaked in June 1980. According to various estimates, between 1.5 and 2.5 thousand people were killed in a massacre unprecedented for independent India,and about 250 thousand people were forced to seek shelter in specially protected camps. 20 After that, 1,942 people, including-

page 27

Figure 5. Death toll from terrorist attacks in Tripura State in 2003-2009

Compiled on the basis of data taken from: Ministry of Home Affairs. Op. cit., p. 198.

two leaders of MOKZHD were arrested 21.

A tense situation persisted both at the end of the last century and at the beginning of this century. Between 1992 and 2002, 1,226 civilians and 276 members of the security forces were killed in the state, while 208 militants were killed, as a result of the actions of the All - Tripura Tiger Forces and the Tripura National Liberation Front22.

Between 2003 and 2009, 989 terrorist attacks were carried out in Tripura, killing 348 civilians and 120 members of the security forces (see Figure 5).

Currently, the Tripura separatist groups, which numbered several dozen in the 1990s, are grouped into 2 large organizations. 23 Rebel groups based in the Bangladesh jungle periodically raid Tripura territory.

* * *

The situation is less tense in the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Meghalaya. In 2009, there were 12 terrorist attacks in Meghalaya and 24 each in Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram.

Overall, 1,297 terrorist attacks occurred in the north-eastern states of India in 2009 alone, killing 262 civilians and 42 members of the security forces.25 According to the latest available data obtained by Indian scientist V. Singh Jafa, 37 terrorist groups operate in Assam, Manipur-39, Tripura-30, Meghalaya-4, Nagaland-more than 40 26.

Thus, the struggle of the small peoples of northeastern India for sovereignty during the more than 60-year period of independent development claimed the lives of thousands of people, but did not solve the ethnic problems faced by the population of the region.

Today, an ethnic volcano in northeastern India is bubbling under the surface, but an eruption can start at any time.


Narochnitskaya E. L. 1 Ethnonational conflicts and their resolution (political theories and experience of the West). Moscow, 2000, p. 4.

Swamy S. 2 Terrorism in India // New Delhi, 2008, p. 5.

3 India Today, Moscow, 2005, p. 71.

Mahanta N.G. 4 The State vis-a-vis the Periphery: Issues of Identity, Violence, and Peace in North-East India. Crisis of State and Nation. New Delhi, 2007, p. 306.

Singh P. 5 The Naxalite Movement in India. New Delhi, 2006, p. 230.

6 Tea Without Sympathy // The Economist, 20.10.1997.

7 Muslim communalism in India: emergence, ideology and Politics / / Scientific and Analytical Review, Moscow, 1988, p. 7.

8 The Times of India, 21.04.1983.

9 Organizer, 08.05.1983.

10 Baranov S. A. Separatism in India, Moscow, 2003, p. 160.

11 India Today.., p. 35.

Baranov S. A. 12 Decree. soch., p. 116.

Grigorieva G. M. 13 K voprosu o religii v politicheskoi zhizni severo-vostochnoi Indii [On the question of religion in the political life of North-Eastern India].

Routray B.P. 14 North-East: Failure of Peace Progress // Armed Conflicts and Peace in South Asia. New Delhi, 2006, p. 139.

15 India Today.., p. 33.

Rahamathulla B. 16 Obstacles For Nationalism in North-Eastern India: An Overview // Regionalism: Development Tensions in India. New Delhi, 1987, p. 81.

17 India Today, 16.05.1980.

Routray B.P. 18 Op. cit., p. 136.

Sdatyuk G. V. 19 States of India. Nature. Population. Economy. Moscow, 1981, pp. 187-189.

20 Hindustan Times, 09.09.1980.

21 The Indian Express. 16.09.1980.

Baranov S. 22 Separatist movements in India. Tripura State / / Asia and Africa Today, 2005, N 10, p. 44.

Baranov S. 23 Decree. soch., pp. 43-44.

24 Ministry of Home Affairs. Op. cit., p. 198 - 199.

25 Business Standard, 01.10.2008.

Singh Jafa V. 26 Insurgencies in North-East India: Dimensions of Discord and Containment // Responding to Terrorism in South Asia. New Delhi, 2006, p. 77.


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