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Economic and cultural ties between India and Central Asia go back to ancient history. Due to its geographical location, the latter was an important intermediary in trade and economic relations between East and West. However, archaeological excavations of the Kushan era (I-IV centuries) and later, Muslim period indicate that Central Asia itself conducted an active trade with India.

The first written records of trade between Central Asia and India date back to the Mongol invasion. According to the Arab traveler Ibn Battuta, Central Asian merchants brought war horses from the Golden Horde steppes. Then the horses were transported by caravan routes to Ormuz, and from there - to India. If at home horses were bought for 8-10 dinars per head, then in India they were resold for 100 dinars. The best horses were paid up to 500 dinars or more. "The merchants' incomes were great, " 1 the traveler reported.

In the second half of the 16th century, strong rulers ruled in India and Bukhara: Akbar (1556-1605) and Abdullah (1557-1598). With the strengthening of centralized states, trade and economic relations between India and Central Asia have become more intense. Merchants actively used the caravan road through Kabul and Kandahar. Kabul, located at the crossroads of trade routes between India and Central Asia, has become a transit trade hub. Here, Indian and Central Asian merchants exchanged goods. This shortest caravan route allowed to increase the number of camels loaded with goods from 3 to 14 thousand 2 .

Indian and Bukharan dignitaries took an active part in trade through special commissioners, who were issued special documents signed by the Mughal ruler. According to this document, a merchant could freely transport his goods "from the capital city of Shah Jahan to the distant border province with the center of Kabul." Both the import and export of goods by merchants were not subject to taxes. The decree obliged to send caravans, putting a seal at the top of the document, and also strictly comply with all the points of document 3 . However, it should be noted that information about trade turnover was fragmentary and episodic, since Indian merchants and travelers usually did not leave descriptions of their travels. But even these scant reports reveal the nature of Indian trade. Information begins to appear more frequently from the XVIII century and increases sharply at the beginning of the XIX century.

Throughout the 19th century. Great Britain, wanting to protect its imperial interests in India, sought to subjugate the states bordering it. Following the principle of "broad awareness", the British East India Company began to send its agents to Central Asia and other areas adjacent to India. British missions penetrated Central Asia from the south in order to study in detail the political situation in Central Asia.-

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the military-strategic and economic situation in Bukhara and the neighboring khanates and the strengthening of England's position in the region. If British expeditions penetrated Central Asia from India, then Russian missions were sent to the Central Asian khanates from the north. At various times, travelers and agents of the East India Company visited Bukhara: Mir-Izzatullah, G. Moorcroft and G. Trebek, Mohan Dal Kashmiri, A. Bernet, etc. Russians also visited here: E. K. Meyendorff, N. V. Khanykov, officers P. I. Demezon and I. V. Vitkevich, and others. Participants of English and Russian expeditions left numerous notes, reports about their travels, which are valuable materials on the Indian-Central Asian trade.

When we say Indian, Bokharian, or Russian trade, we involuntarily refer it to the nationality of the merchants who carried out trade operations. However, it is known that Indian traders, along with the products of their industry, also successfully sold Central Asian, Persian, and Russian goods. Bukhara merchants imported not only their own goods to Russia, but also Indian, Persian, and Chinese ones. Central Asian cotton fabrics were highly valued in Russia: they were more durable than the English ones, which began to be imported to Bukhara from the 30s of the XIX century by Afghans. Fabrics from Bukhara were exported not only by Bukhara and Indian merchants, but also by Armenian and Khiva merchants. Thus, when analyzing the turnover of goods, one should pay attention not so much to the nationality of the merchant who imported the goods, but to the names of the imported goods.

Through Kabul, Bukharan merchants traded with Kashmir, Punjab, and Peshawar. They used several routes leading to India; the most developed were two: Bukhara-Amul-Jeyhun (Chardzhou)- Merv-Serakhs-Mashhad-Herat-Kandahar-Kabul-Peshawar and the southern route - from Kandahar to Dadui Shikarpur. Multan was located halfway between the end points of both routes - Lahore and Shikarpur 4 . Indian and Central Asian merchants more often used the southern route, which ran between the basins of the Amu Darya and Indus rivers.

Bukhara merchants imported gold in threads, cotton fabrics, robes, broadcloth, velvet, argamak horses, and Dutch thalers to India. They could move freely throughout its territory, just as Indian merchants did throughout Turkestan. However, the Bukharians had to pay a duty in each city, which is why the goods were not cheap for them .5 For one pood of cargo brought from the Indus coast via Kabul to Bukhara, it was necessary to pay from 6 to 7 rubles. bank notes. Duties reached approximately 6% of the value of goods 6 .

Indian and English goods were traded in Bukhara by Afghan merchants. According to A. Burns, Indian goods sent to Bukhara were similar to the assortment sent to Afghanistan: indigo, sugar, white fabrics of all varieties, calico, muslins, velvet, calico of European production, shawls, brocades, Dhaka muslins, Punjabi turbans, etc. Annually up to two thousand camel horses arrived in Kabul from India packs, half of which were intended for trade in the Central Asian khanates 7 .

From Punjab to Bukhara, nomadic Afghan Logani tribes imported indigo (nml), a plant dye known since ancient times, which was widely used for dyeing cotton and wool in blue - a color familiar to Bukharians. Sometimes indigo was imported in huge quantities, and all the Afghan karvan sarais were littered with it, which led to a decrease in the price of the product. Then merchants were forced to trade dye on credit for three to four years. Raw sugar was brought from the vicinity of Lahore, the capital of Punjab.

Indian merchants themselves went to trade in Bukhara. They brought the world-famous Kashmiri shawls of various types: rizai - monochrome, rahdar-striped, butedar-decorated with the image of palm trees, flowers, bouquets, kusseh-plain-

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They were used to make turbans, and shamli were used for belts. Half-boots (jurabs)were also imported and dastgush-cashmere wool gloves 8 .

Kashmiri shawls were very popular among European and Russian fashionistas of that time. In Bukhara, they cost from 100 to 300 tilla (250 - 300 rubles) apiece. In Russia, they were sold for 400-1000 rubles. for one shawl. The high price of shawls made them inaccessible to ordinary people, so the buyers were usually well-to-do people. In February 1809, by order of the imperial court, the Orenburg Governor-General G. S. Volkonsky purchased 15 Kashmiri shawls of various colors for the amount of 6 thousand rubles .9

E. K. Meyendorff met a Kashmiri merchant in Bukhara during his journey. The latter told him that in his hometown there are 300 thousand machines for making shawls 10 . Every year, 100 thousand shawls are woven on them, 20 thousand remain in Kashmir, 60 thousand are sent to other cities of India, 20 thousand go to Kabul. Of the last five thousand shawls remained in Afghanistan, 12 thousand were sold in Persia, Turkey, Arabia and Africa. Finally, three thousand shawls were sent to Bukhara, and from there two thousand were sent to Russia. Naturally, these figures fluctuated, but they give a rough idea of the demand for the product. In addition to shawls, merchants brought silk fabrics woven with gold, paper cloth, white (for the turban) and printed (for the lining), pearls and precious stones, " kalamdan (inkwells) of elegant shape, spoons made of gilded wood and very light manuscripts written in a beautiful handwriting. White and blue turbans (lungi) and rice were imported from Peshawar (it was much better in quality than Bukhara). Bukharians preferred snuff and coconut snuff boxes. Peshawar scales made of camel skin were in great demand in Bukhara. In total, Bukhara received more than 30 names of various products from India .12

According to A. Burns, there was a steady demand for Indian goods in Bukhara. Every year, about 500 pieces of Benares brocade (kinkob) were brought here. The white cloth imported from Punjab, which was used for turban by both women and men, was in great demand among the inhabitants of the Central Asian khanates. A piece of such cloth, 30 yards long and one foot wide, cost one tilla in the Bukhara market. Dhaka muslins, which were sold for 20 tilla per piece, were also in high demand. Smaller-width muslins were sold for less than 13 . For ten years (1790-1800) Bukhara merchants exported Indian goods for sale in Russia in the amount of more than 50 thousand rubles. These were muslin, half-muslin, blankets and bedspreads, curtains, knockouts, calico, alacha, as well as medicines, precious stones, spices. All these goods were not only profitable to sell, but also convenient to transport along the mountain roads between India and Bukhara .14

Densely populated and active in commercial activity, Bukhara occupied an important place in the commercial world, acting as an intermediary between Europe and Asia. In the bustling Bukhara markets, which according to various sources numbered from two 15 to five 16, there was a brisk trade and intensive exchange of goods. In addition to covered bazaars, there were also shops (attars), of which there were about 50. Medicinal products, perfumes, oriental sweets, etc. were sold here.

A favorite place of Bukharians and visitors was Registan-a spacious square in front of the Emir's palace. Here, on Registan, one could meet merchants from India, Afghanistan, Turkey, Persia, Russia, China, as well as Turkmens, Kalmyks, Tatars, representatives of various nationalities of Transcaucasia and Central Asia. You could buy almost anything on Registan: Indian fabrics and Kashmiri shawls, European-made haberdashery and hardware, Chinese tea and Indonesian spices. In bookstores, you could get manuscripts, books in Turkish and Persian. Along with the theological literature, there were widely used

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oriental poetry and historical literature are presented. Thus, A. Burns, an agent of the British East India Company, who visited Bukhara in 1832 under the guise of a merchant, brought Narshahi's book Kitabi-Akhbar-i-Bahoro [17] and donated it to the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland [18].

Merchants who arrived in the Bukhara Khanate with their goods were housed in caravanserais. According to travelers, numerous caravanserais were built according to a single plan. They were large, square, two-story buildings; their outer walls had no windows. The first floor was occupied by cramped, deep storerooms that opened onto the courtyard; the second floor housed visiting merchants. In the rooms there were small hearths for a pot or kettle. According to some sources, merchants paid two or four tangas for a room per month (1 tanga = 20 kopecks in silver), 7 - 14 for a storeroom ,and 19 for stables, as a rule.

Here, in the caravanserais, for three days, officials carried out an inspection of the imported goods, in the presence of noble merchants and brokers evaluated the goods. The fee was always paid in cash, and immediately. Postponement for several days and even up to two weeks was practiced on the condition of a reliable guarantee from influential Bukhara merchants. All goods, if they belonged to Sunni Muslims, were charged one fortieth part, or 2.5%, while non-Believers (Hindus, Russians, Armenians, Jews) paid 5%.

During Mir-Izzatullah's journey in 1812-1813, there were five or six good caravanserais in Bukhara, 20 in 1820 - 14 21, in 1835-25 22 . Part of the caravanserais belonged to private individuals, others - to the treasury and were given at the mercy of the state. Travelers report that sometimes caravanserais belonged to relatives of the Khan, but their true owner was the Khan himself. Each caravanserai had its own name, most often the name of its owner. One of the caravanserais was called Saroi in Hindi, which suggests that Indian merchants owned this caravanserai.

In the 20 - 30s of the XIX century, about 2 thousand Indians from Shikarpur and Sindh and up to 50 Sikhs from Multan and Punjab lived in the Bukhara Khanate. "One of the caravanserais and covered markets is always occupied by people of one or the other of these two peoples," 23 the traveler reported. Like all visiting merchants, they lived in caravanserais. According to some travelers, these were Saroyi Murzachul, Saroyi Karshi, Saroyi Khoja-Juybar, the already mentioned Saroyi Hindi, Saroyi Kush-begi 24 . According to other sources, Indian merchants, mostly Shikarpurs, rented the Saroyas of Alim Khan and Abdulla jan, which belonged to the Emir of Bukhara .25

In the 1940s and 1950s, the number of Indians in Bukhara increased to five thousand. They were mostly from Peshawar, engaged in trade and usury. Indian merchants lived not only in Bukhara, but also in other Central Asian cities. In Kokand, for example, they occupied six caravanserais: "Here they made a herd exchange of goods imported from India, Tibet, Kashgar, Bukhara, Afghanistan and Russia." 26 In Samarkand, the Indians occupied three caravanserais. Indian merchants and moneylenders also lived in other cities that were part of the Bukhara Khanate, in particular in Gidzhurvan, Vobkent, and Karshi .27

The Indians were scattered throughout the provinces of Bukhara. There was not a single market, not even in a remote backwater, where an Indian met with his pawnbroker's bag. "In an incomprehensible way, they took over the entire money trade of the country," wrote A. Vambery. "By expressing the deepest submission, like the Armenians in Turkey, they are deceiving the Uzbek terribly, and as soon as the pious treasury always acts in concert with the worshipper of Vishnu, the unfortunate victim rarely escapes from his hands." 28

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Indian moneylenders managed to penetrate deeply into the city's economy: their clients included feudal lords, rich merchants who borrowed considerable sums from them, and small artisans. On certain days, Indian moneylenders circumvented their debtors by collecting interest. Calculations were marked on sticks-tags that loan sharks always carried with them when making their rounds. As P. I. Demezon noted during his expedition to Bukhara in 1833-1834, Indian moneylenders were the only rich class in the khanate. Merchants with limited working capital resorted to the services of Hindus, who issued the amount on security or high interest. Having free capital, they bought goods in bulk, and then, taking advantage of a favorable situation, sold them at a great profit for themselves .29

During his expedition, A. Bernet repeatedly met with Indian merchants who lived in the capital of the khanate. In an Indian caravanserai, he met about 300 Indians. The Bukharan Indians who came from Shikarpur were happy with life, although Bernet believed that they were being harassed and persecuted.

By persecution, Bernet apparently meant the strict restrictions imposed on non-Muslims, or Dhimmiyas, who permanently resided in the Bukhara Khanate. According to the customs that existed in the khanate, they were allowed to practice their religion, own property, and make transactions among themselves. However, in criminal cases and in transactions with Muslims, they were subject to Sharia law. Indians were prohibited from marrying Muslim women and owning Muslim slaves. They had to wear rough clothing, gird themselves with a rope, were not allowed to ride horses, and could only travel on donkeys. At the sight of a Muslim, Indians (as well as Jews, Armenians, Georgians, etc.) were obliged to respectfully give way to them. Gentiles were not allowed to build houses higher than those of Muslims. Whenever possible, all Zimmiyas were settled in quarters or in special caravanserais .30 According to E. K. Meyendorff and I. V. Vitkevich, the emir forbade Hindus to perform the funeral rite of dauri (later this ban was lifted). However, non-Muslims still had their own privileges. The inhabitants of caravanserais (Indians, Armenians, Tatars, etc.) could drink wine, smoke, and have fun without risking being beaten up by law enforcement officers 31 .

There was a complex relationship between the Emir's officials and Indian moneylenders. The Emir, considering that the property and income of merchants belong to the Bukhara state, appointed a commissioner over usurers - the "yesaul of Hindus". The duties of the esaul included accounting for money earned by usurers, as well as assisting in the repayment of debts. If the usurer had no heirs, then all the property after his death passed into the hands of the state. Yesaul constantly exercised control over the property of usurers so that they could not transfer anything to their compatriots before their death .32

These measures were caused by the fact that Indian merchants and usurers exported huge quantities of gold and silver from Bukhara. Concerned about the current situation, the ruling circles of Bukhara banned the export of metal coins, as reported by I. V. Vitkevich, who visited Bukhara in 1836: "The Indians are now tightly squeezed, and they are going to leave Bukhara altogether. They are no longer allowed to export gold and silver to India, but they have actually got their hands on almost all the gold." 33 Instead of the gold and silver exported by the Indians, the Bukhara mint began to mint a fake coin. Silver was added to gold coins, copper was added to silver coins, or just copper, half - tinned, was made, putting them into circulation 34 .

Indian merchants enjoyed great respect among the ruling stratum of the Central Asian khanates. Penetrating into the most remote cities and villages, they distributed not only goods, but also their culture. Indian historians reflect on this not without pride. Founder of Tajik Soviet literature S. Aini, for example-

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mer recalls such an episode from his youth. In one of the caravanserais, named after its owner Olimjan, lived a Hindu named Boyarchi, a specialist in stones. This literate Hindu "wrote well in Tajik using the Arabic alphabet and read smoothly." The cell where he lived contained books published in India, such as Gulistani Massarrat, Mirzo - Mazhar-jan Jonon's Divan, and Khazi ai Omira. Many of the books were in Hindi. Boyarchi read not only Indian, but also Tajik books, which he allowed the young Ainib to use .

The problems of Indian-Central Asian trade relations will not be complete without an analysis of the Anglo-Russian political and economic rivalry in the Central Asian khanates. For many years, England has been trying to penetrate the markets of the Bukhara Khanate. The first fragmentary information about the appearance of products of the English manufacturing industry in the Central Asian khanates dates back to 1825. Although their importation was insignificant, the Russian government sounded the alarm.

The concern of the Russian government was especially increased during the expedition of A. Burns to Bukhara with the aim of opening a new trade route from India to the Central Asian khanates along the Indus River. Previously, European goods entered Central Asia through Kabul and Mashhad, from where caravans moved to Northern India and Bukhara. The trade in English goods was carried out by Muslim Indians, the so-called parashas (the Russians acted in exactly the same way through the Tatars). The British sold goods to the Parashas on very favorable terms. From Peshawar, the parashas exported goods to the khanates via Bukhara, where they handed them over to local merchants on favorable terms. Parashas lived in all the cities of Central Asia, but most of them were in Kokand.

Indian caravans bound for Bukhara took the shortest route, through Kabul. According to merchants, caravans of 10 to 15 thousand camels (with a load of 160 to 240 thousand pounds) passed through Kabul every year .37 During P. I. Demezon's stay in Bukhara, the caravan brought three large bales of English fabrics, painted canvases, chintz, and muslin. These fabrics were of better quality than those brought to Bukhara from Russia, and easily sold out. A Russian officer reported "on the constant efforts of English merchants to completely take over the trade in this part of Asia ,which may soon be flooded with English goods." 38

In 1833, the Governor-General of the Orenburg Region, V. A. Perovsky, in one of his reports to the Minister of Finance, E. F. Kankrin, reported that in Bukhara there were a significant number of English goods brought by the Afghans from the Indian city of Benares and sold there at very low prices compared to Russian 39. Indian merchants, who until recently imported only their own local goods, began to import English products. According to the merchants with whom A. Bernet communicated, 2/3 of the goods imported from Russia and India were produced in England.

The convenient geographical position of Russia in relation to the Central Asian khanates allowed Russian merchants to deliver goods by water to the interior of Asia. European travelers reported that "one has only to look at the bazaars of Bukhara, Khiva, and Karshi to see that there is not a single house or tent in all of Central Asia where one does not meet with some Russian product." 40

English trade in Central Asia faced a number of obstacles. First, the shipment of goods from the Indus coast through the Indian principalities that had not yet been annexed by the East India Company, through the territories of warlike nomadic tribes where there was a constant risk of being robbed; then through the possessions where arbitrary duties were levied. Secondly, the British were forced to carry out trade in the khanates through Indian or Afghan merchants. And third, the remoteness from Central Asia-the ocean and snow ridges-is beyond-

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import of bulky and heavy goods was difficult. Despite all this, England took every effort to overcome the obstacles that hindered the development of its trade in Central Asia, for many years trying to get permission from the emirs to establish trading posts on the banks of the Amu Darya. In exchange, the British promised to buy raw materials from the Bukharians at the same prices as the Russians, and import manufactured and metal products to Bukhara at prices lower than the Russian ones. But all attempts by the British to take a dominant position in Central Asian trade were in vain.

By the 70s of the XIX century. England completed the annexation of India, turning it into its own colony. Almost at the same time, in 1868, the Bukhara Khanate was conquered by Russia, and Indian-Central Asian trade relations ceased to exist.

notes

Ibn Battutah. 1 Travels in Asia and Africa. V. 2. Cambridge, 1958. P. 478.

Goldberg N. M. 2 Russian-Indian relations in the 17th century. //Scientific Notes of the Pacific Institute, T. I. M.-L., 1940, p. 135.

3 The document is kept in the Handwritten Fund of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tajikistan for No. 102 " Copy (document) on tarkhanism (issued) to merchant Akhund Khoja Avaz and his friends, which was ordered by the King of India "( undated). Taxes that Indian merchants were then required to pay: chikhilyak-a tax in the amount of 1/40 of the share of goods; danaka-1/6 of something; gushti-a tax on pack cattle; zaket-a tax as a purification from sin (1/20 or 1/40 of the income, property); rahdari-to submit; tamgu - a tax on a traveler.

4 XVIII centuries). Tashkent, 1964. pp. 21-22.

Genet G. F. 5 Some information about Bukharin // Domestic notes. Book 14, St. Petersburg, 1821, p. 303.

Meyendorff E. K. 6 Journey from Orenburg to Bukhara, Moscow, 1975, p. 219.

Burnes Alexander. 7 Travels to Bokhara. V. 2. L., 1836. P. 416,428.

8 Notes on the Bukhara Khanate, Moscow, 1983, p. 79.

Gra A. 9 Materialy po istorii Orenburga [Materials on the history of Orenburg]. Trudy Orenburgskogo uchenogo archivnogo komiteta (OUAK), Issue XI. Orenburg, 1903. pp. 141-142.

10 The author does not mention which city the merchant was from. In all likelihood, this is Srinagar-the capital of Kashmir. At the beginning of the 19th century, the Georgian merchant and diplomat Rafail Danibegoshvili visited Srinagar (he, like many foreign merchants, called it Kashmir) and reported that approximately 24,000 looms were employed in the production of shawls in this city. For more details, see: Russian-Indian relations in the XIX century, Moscow, 1997, p. 50.

Meyendorff E. K. 11 Edict. op. P. 129.

12 Notes on the Bukhara Khanate, pp. 77, 79.

Burnes Alexander. 13 Op. cit. V. 2. P. 435.

Alektorov A. 14 Trade routes to Central Asia / / Orenburg Leaflet. 17.02.1891.

Khanykov N. 15 Description of the Bukhara Khanate. St. Petersburg, 1843, p. 92.

16 Notes on the Bukhara Khanate, p. 58.

17 Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn Ja'far an-Narshahi (899-959) was a Central Asian historian. He was born in the village of Narshakha, 30 km north of Bukhara. In 943-944 (according to other sources in 948-949) he wrote in Arabic "Kitabi-Akhbar-i-Bahoro "("Book of news about Bukhara"), which from 1128 Abu Nasr Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Qubawi translated into Persian, shortening it and bringing the narrative to your own time. Half a century later, Muhammad ibn Zufar revised Narshahi's work, and an anonymous author of the thirteenth century brought the events up to 1220. Kitabi-Akhbar-i-Bahoro has been preserved in the latest edition. Narshahi's work is a valuable source on the history and topography of Bukhara and the oasis in the lower reaches of the Zeravshan River in the 7th-12th centuries. Of particular interest is its coverage of the history of the Arab conquest of Central Asia, the Abruya and Mukanna uprisings, the spread of Islam and the ousting of Zoroastrianism, Buddhism and Christianity. The author is grateful to Professor B. A. Litvinsky for his advice on many issues of the topic under study.

Burnes Alexander. 18 Op. cit. V. 1, 1836. P. 278.

19 Notes on the Bukhara Khanate, pp. 58, 99; Meyendorff E. K. Edict, op. p. 100.

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Sokolov Yu. A. 20 Bukhara, Samarkand, Kelif //Proceedings of the Central Asian State University (SAGU). New series. Issue XC. Book 4. 1957. P. 202.

Meyendorff E. K. 21 Edicts. op. P. 100.

22 Notes on the Bukhara Khanate, p. 99.

23 The newest description of the Great Bukharin / / Asiatic Bulletin, St. Petersburg, 1825, p. 306.

24 Notes on the Bukhara Khanate, p. 99.

Sokolov Yu. L. 25 Edict. soch. P. 202.

Review of the Kokand Khanate in its current state / / Notes of the Russian Geographical Society. Book III. St. Petersburg, 1849, p. 213.

Khoroshkhin A. P. 27 Collection of articles related to the Turkestan region. St. Petersburg, 1876, p. 508; Ayni S. Memoirs, Moscow-L., 1960, pp. 428-29.

28 Vamberi A. 28 Po po Srednoi Azii [Journey through Central Asia], Moscow, 1874, p. 324.

29 Notes on the Bukhara Khanate, p. 83.

Semenov A. A. 30 To the past of Bukhara / / Aini S. Edict. op. s. 981-982. Notes on the Bukhara Khanate, p. 60.

Aini P. 32 Edict. op. s. 428-429.

33 Notes on the Bukhara Khanate, p. 104.

34 Ibid., p. 105.

35 At that time, the term "Hindu" referred generally to Indians. But judging by the titles of the books, this "Hindu" was definitely a Muslim.

Aini P. 36 Edict. op. p. 427.

Geine A. K. 37 Sobranie literaturnykh trudov [Collection of Literary Works], vol. 2, St. Petersburg, 1896, pp. 528-583.

38 Notes on the Bukhara Khanate, p. 25.

39 Archive of foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. F. SPb. Main archive 11-3. 1833 Op. 34. D. 6.

Vamberi A. 40 Edict. op. p. 369.


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