Libmonster ID: IN-1357
Author(s) of the publication: DMITRY BONDARENKO


Keywords: Tanzania. Zambia, tolerance, nation, student body, diaspora

The article presents and analyzes the results of a recent study conducted among students in Tanzania and Zambia - neighboring African states, in the past-the possessions of Great Britain. In both countries, the vast majority of the population (more than 99%) is made up of numerous autochthonous ethnic groups, while the minority is made up of people of non - African origin, whose communities, however, are very prominent in economic and social life.

The main purpose of the work is to study the attitude of the most educated and therefore socially promising part of the youth - university students in Tanzania and Zambia - to those non-African minorities that were formed during and thanks to colonialism: "Europeans" and "Indians"1.

Despite the fact that "Europeans" can be English, Greeks, Serbs, etc., and "Indians" - people of different ethnic, religious, caste affiliation, who come not only from the modern Republic of India, but also from Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Africans, as a rule, perceive them as such. "Europeans" and "Indians", i.e. ignoring the internal heterogeneity of these communities.

The rise of national consciousness is no less necessary for the formation of a nation and civil society than economic progress or political freedoms, and in post - colonial Africa, educated youth play a leading role in this process. The problem that we focus on in this study is to find an answer to the question: do students see and want to see their compatriots with completely different ethno-cultural characteristics and history, with a specific position in modern society, as part of the Tanzanian and Zambian nations? In this regard, it is necessary to analyze not only the impact on students ' views of the situation of ethnic and racial minorities in modern society, but also how the collective memory of the pre-colonial and colonial past, its image in the minds of young people who were born and raised in independent states, affects their attitude to diasporas that would not have been formed if they end of colonialism 2.

In the course of the study, the author conducted a survey of students of various faculties of the largest, by far the best and most prestigious universities in the two countries-the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania (167 people). and the University of Zambia in Lusaka (146 respondents). Formal interviews were also conducted with university professors, student activists, recent graduates, etc. - 21 in Dar es Salaam and 15 in Lusaka. Finally, we used some data and results of studies of cultural stereotypes and cross-cultural relations in various social environments conducted in Tanzania in the 2000s, also under the supervision of the author of the article.


It should be noted at once that, in general, the attitude of both Tanzanian and Zambian students towards their European and South Asian compatriots can be described as tolerant. However, it is also clear that some of them do not perceive minorities as communities of people who, despite cultural differences, share national values with them and live for the benefit of the same country.

Among Tanzanian students who reported a negative attitude towards Europeans -4.1%, towards Indians-13.5%; among their Zambian colleagues-0.7 and 3.5%, respectively. Studies have shown that, on the one hand, the attitude of students to the two communities is not quite the same (it is better for Europeans than for Indians in both cases), on the other hand, the opinion of each community is more positive among Zambian students.

We have already looked at the example of Tanzanians who belonged to very different social strata, the question of why Africans treat Europeans better than Indians, giving special importance to ethno-cultural factors.3 Based on numerous interviews with people of different backgrounds and social status, we have shown that in the eyes of Africans, Europeans have a deliberately high, prestigious status, symbolizing the material, and for some-the intellectual, spiritual, and social values of the modern world.

For example, Priest Grechesos-

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coy told the Orthodox church: "If a European goes to the village, communication with local residents will not be a problem for him: they will invite him to their homes, touch his hands. For them, Europeans are those who have money, and communication with Europeans gives them pleasure. In the city, the situation is different. Here they (Africans. - DB) are trying to use you (European. - D. B.) - your connections, money. They ask you to help them move to Europe, find a white wife, and they want to do business with you." According to an Indian respondent, "Africans treat Europeans much better than Arabs and Indians. They would like to be seen in the company of Europeans: it's prestigious." Another Indian claimed: "Wazungu ("Europeans" in Swahili. They don't experience the same racism that I do. For some reason, the locals respect wazungu very much. Or are they afraid of them?" Complaints that Europeans are treated much better by Africans than Indians are a constant leitmotif in the latter's responses to a request to compare the situation of the two communities. In addition, in Africa, Indians (as well as Arabs) are mainly a commercial minority, and such communities, as world history shows, rarely enjoyed the sympathy of the main part of the population.4 As an Indian respondent told us, " of course, there is some tension [between Afro - and Indo-Tanzanians. - D. B.], because undoubtedly [Afro -] Tanzanians must have feelings for Indians that are somewhat similar to those that Indians felt for the British when they came to India and they took over the entire business.

Because Indians are successful, they are often disliked outside of India. In particular, although Indians live in Tanzania for a very long time and have made a great contribution to its development in various areas, they still suffer from rejection by Africans. And the attitude that Tanzanians have towards Indians would be exactly the same in any other country, regardless of who would be in the place of Indians and Africans." Another Indian woman adds: "They (the Africans - DB) are sure that an Indian businessman will do anything dishonest for the sake of his twopence. ... You see, the Indians came here and made big fortunes because they took advantage of opportunities that others-the Tanzanians... - had for some reason... they couldn't. But it is clear that the Indians have money. Money builds a barrier (between rich and poor ) and makes (the rich ) feel superior. I know many (Indians - DB) who simply despise them (Afro-Tanzanians - DB) for being African."

Finally, many respondents openly stated that Europeans are better than Indians (and Arabs), because, as they claimed, unlike Asians, Europeans do not show snobbery, are open to communication and are ready to help Africans: this is how they understand the cultural specifics of the two diasporas, in particular, the traditional isolation of the Indian community

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and the relative openness of the European 5.

Here are some of the many typical statements of our interlocutors on this subject. The uneducated Tanzanian put the difference simply but clearly: "Arabs and Indians don't like to share. They do not like to live together with others and marry others. ... The only people who share are Africans and Europeans. Yes, Europeans love to share, because they help us." A student at the University of Dar es Salaam said of her fellow Indians: "They are rude, they don't treat Tanzanians well. They only treat you well if you're the boss or can help them. They're so smart! They look down on Tanzanians, they don't treat the people who work for them well." As for the Europeans, comparing them to the Indians, this girl said: "Most of them are good people. They don't have that bad attitude, or they don't show it. They show an interest in indigenous people." The elderly professor also compared minorities: "Europeans feel that they live in foreign lands, but they try to integrate and live the life of the indigenous population. Arabs are also easy to communicate with: they live like Africans, marry (with indigenous people. - D. B.) and have children; they easily integrate into our society, there are no problems with them. Indians behave differently: they live separately in separate urban areas, follow only their own traditions and do not integrate into African society... Africans don't like them because they stand out from the crowd." "Indians are not involved in nation building," the director of the National Library of Tanzania concluded.

Of course, different people express different, sometimes directly opposite opinions. For example, contrary to the view just given, a young Tanzanian doctor said: "I think it's the Indians... - good for society, because there are some things that would be difficult to do without them... Many Indians have money, so they run big businesses that help the country."

However, the very set of traits, positive and negative, attributed to Europeans and Indians in the two countries is similar. Thus, in Zambian interviews, local Europeans are characterized as "uncultured", "heartless", "proud", "businesslike", "discriminating", "friendly", "law-abiding", "closed", "submissive", "understanding", "progressive", "segregating", "creative""affluent", "hardworking", "smart", "accommodating", "nice", "generous", "selfish", "exploitative"; South Asians are described as "heartless", "rich", "businesslike" (a very common characteristic), "friendly", "closed", "corporate", "arrogant", "insincere", "unsociable", "mean", "useful", "racist", "stingy" (another frequent characteristic), "tolerant", "hucksters", "hardworking", "good","exploiters".

It is easy to see that many traits, both positive and negative, are attributed to both minorities. At the same time, more negative characteristics are attributed to Indians, they are mentioned by a large number of respondents, and, most importantly, such positive characteristics that symbolize the basic values of the modern world as "law-abiding", "smart", "progressive", "creative" are found only in connection with Europeans. In general, there is reason to believe that in the eyes of Africans, Europeans look better than Indians.

This attitude towards the Indian diaspora, with natural variations, is typical of all African countries with fairly large Indian communities6; some factors specific to Zambia in comparison with Tanzania will be noted below. The main purpose of this article is to offer an explanation of the fact, as far as the author knows, which has not been previously identified: the greater ethno-racial and socio-cultural tolerance of Zambian students compared to Tanzanian students, which was manifested in their better attitude towards both Europeans and South Asians. Of course, in addition to the general question of attitudes towards minorities, we also asked more specific questions. In particular, they are aimed at finding out respondents ' opinions about the cultures of the two diasporas. The analysis of the answers to the question: "What is your attitude to the culture of Tanzanian (Zambian) Europeans?" leads to the same conclusion as the analysis of the answers to the general question: the most educated and culturally developed young Zambians perceive the culture of their fellow Europeans more positively than their Tanzanian colleagues (2.2% against 9% negative ratings, 80.4% against 55.8% positive). Zambians also have a better attitude to Indian culture than Tanzanians (34.1% and 66.2% of positive reviews, respectively), despite the fact that in both countries the attitude to European culture is similar.-

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Skoi culture is more tolerant than Indian culture.

It can be assumed that the most genuine attitude of respondents towards ethnic and racial minorities was manifested in their answers to a purely personal question: "How would you react if your child married a Tanzanian (Zambian) European or Indian?". At the moment, this question is not relevant for our respondents due to their youth, but the answers received can still be considered symptomatic. Predictably, the majority of respondents in both countries would like to see their future children married to people of African descent. At the same time, some of them do not exclude marriages with Europeans or Indians.

It is noteworthy that regarding the possibility of marriage with Europeans, the data for both samples are very similar: among Tanzanians against 6.9%, for-43.1%, "depends on a particular person" (in fact, this answer is the most reasonable and tolerant) - 50%; among Zambians, respectively, 5.8%, 43.9% and 50.4%. At the same time, it should be noted that the number of negative responses to this question exceeds the number of intolerant responses to the general question about attitude towards Europeans: 4.1% among Tanzanians and only 0.7% among Zambians. Obviously, the reason for this is the widespread belief among both Africans and Europeans that although "others" are not bad, even good, "they" and "we" are still too different to be happy in a mixed marriage (in fact, the above-mentioned preference for marriages with people of their own age). origin is the other side of the same coin).

On the other hand, there is quite a significant difference between the answers of Zambian and Tanzanian students regarding the prospect of marriage with Indians: among the former, the positive attitude is more (34.3% vs. 31.3%), and the negative attitude is less (16.8% vs. 21.5%). The difference in responses in favor of Europeans in both samples is also impressive: the gap between negative responses to questions about marriages with Indians and attitudes towards them is much larger than in the same situation with Europeans (21.5% vs. 13.5% for Tanzanians and 16.8% vs. 3.5% for Zambians). This gap is large enough to lead us to assume that the respondents ' reactions to the question about the prospects of their children marrying Indians, while so emotional, reflect a really better attitude of Africans towards Europeans than towards Indians. At the same time, it should be noted that among Zambian students, the percentage of those who object to such marriages is lower, and those who are in favor of them are higher than among students of the University of Dar es Salaam.

Another personal question in the questionnaire concerned whether the respondents had friends of different backgrounds, including Europeans and South Asians. The picture that emerges when analyzing the answers to this question is paradoxical: while all the data reviewed above indicated a better attitude towards ethnic and racial minorities of Zambians, Tanzanians are more likely to claim that they have friends among Europeans and Indians (while both Zambian and Tanzanian students have more friends among the former than among the latter). Logically, it should be assumed that if the data are correct, then, on the one hand, there is a discrepancy between the relations of Africans with real representatives of diasporas and their generalized vision of the latter, and on the other, that in Tanzania, migrant communities are better integrated into the autochthonous socio-cultural environment.

But would the Dar es Salaam and Lusaka students themselves agree with the latter assumption? No: it is among Tanzanian students that there are more people who describe Europeans and Indians as poorly integrated into the local society. The author has to admit that at the moment he is not able to offer a clear plausible explanation for these data; he can only assume that the Tanzanian respondents were less responsible about the concept of "friend". At the same time, we note that more respondents (by about 10% in each country) consider Europeans to be well integrated, rather than Indians. It can also be added that, although there were respondents among members of immigrant communities who admitted during interviews that they did not fully perceive Tanzania or Zambia as their native country, in general, ethnic and racial minorities rate their degree of integration into local society higher than representatives of the majority, including university students.7

It is significant to compare students ' opinions on the degree of integration of long-established non-racial communities and recent migrants from other African states (Burundi, DRC, Malawi, Rwanda, etc.). According to many of our respondents, African migrants create or contribute to the aggravation of serious social problems: unemployment, crime, etc. However, clearly ignoring this circumstance, and, most importantly, the long-standing stay of Europeans and South Asians in their countries, but based on the greater socio-cultural proximity of African migrants, Zambian students considered the latter and representatives of non-racial diasporas to be almost equally integrated into local society, and Tanzanians even preferred immigrants from neighboring countries countries.

Finally, what do our respondents think about national culture: can we talk about "Tanzanian culture" and "Zambian culture" shared by all citizens of the respective countries, including European and South Asian minorities? 34.8% of Tanzanian students and 21.3% of Zambian students agreed with this view; 20.3% and 19.9% of respondents in their respective countries believe that the same Tanzanian and Zambian cultures exist, but include only elements of the cultures of autochthonous peoples; 44.9% and 58.9% are sure that there is a common culture of indigenous peoples.-

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In Tanzania and Zambia, it has not turned out that they are nothing more than conglomerates of individual ethnic cultures.

From the point of view of the aspects of the problem that interest us, the picture may again seem paradoxical: although, as noted above, on a personal level, Zambian students treat migrants and their descendants better than Tanzanian ones (but have fewer friends among them), they are more likely to consider them well integrated into the local society, they are also more likely to see representatives of non-African minorities are people of obviously different, even alien cultures. However, it is important to note that the higher percentage of positive responses to the question about the existence of a single national culture among Tanzanian respondents reflects the lower percentage of those who believe that there are only separate ethnic cultures in the country, and not the percentage who chose the least favorable answer for non-African minorities, according to which their cultures are opposed to nations. In other words, the inclusion or non-inclusion of non-African migrants in a Tanzanian or Zambian nation is determined by factors more general than those directly related to the interaction and mutual perception of African and non-African citizens of the two States.

There are far fewer Tanzanians who believe that there is no culture in the country that unites even autochthonous ethnic groups, i.e. they deny the existence of a national culture in any form. Against this background, the situation with the European and South Asian diasporas can reasonably be considered as a special case of a more general problem: the formation of nations as supra-ethnic civil communities based on a single culture, primarily a shared system of values and national mythology.

From what has been said above, it is clear that the fundamental and vital issue of national unity for African countries should become the context for the subsequent analysis of the attitude of Tanzanian and Zambian students towards European and South Asian minorities. Indeed, the entire socio-cultural "space" of our analysis, from the appearance of migrants from Europe and South Asia on the territory of modern Tanzania and Zambia to the existence of universities and students in them, to the problem of the composition of nations in political formations that were once created artificially and forcibly, is directly related to the era of colonialism. However, as will become clear later, it is equally important to understand the current situation and take into account the peculiarities of the pre-colonial heritage of the peoples of two sovereign states for almost half a century.


It is necessary to note the circumstance that, in our opinion, is the most fundamental and determined the results of the study to the greatest extent: in contrast to Zambia, in Tanzania, the socio-cultural basis, which is now common for the vast majority of the population, began to form long before the establishment of the colonial regime (first, from 1885, the German one, and in 1919-1961/63 - British). This foundation is the Swahili culture with its written language, now the only official language of the country.8 As a result, the growth of national identity in Tanzania can manifest itself mainly (although, of course, not exclusively) at the ethno-racial level, and not just at the ethnic level. It is a fact that the culture and language of the relatively small coastal Swahili people, even today, began to spread widely into the interior of the mainland only in the 19th century. In addition, it is not entirely a local culture: it was formed as a result of a deep synthesis of local culture with Arabic, introduced in the Middle Ages by immigrants from the Arabian Peninsula.9

Today, however, a huge part of Afro-Tanzanians, regardless of their ethnic origin or religious affiliation, proudly identify themselves as carriers of this culture, perceiving it as autochthonous-African - and not connected with the colonial heritage - as uniting people of various local "tribes" into a Tanzanian nation on top of (but not instead of) their ethnic identities. In fact, Africans tend to know the origin (not only ethnic, but also regional) of their friends, with a certain amount of knowledge.-

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This is something that our European and Indian interlocutors in both countries have usually noticed when they claim that the Tanzanian or Zambian nation is a fiction. But knowing doesn't necessarily mean putting it first. As the Tanzanian professor, a representative of the ethnoracial majority, said: "we (Afro-Tanzanians) are, in a sense, ethnically blind. ... If you want to lose people's respect, repeat every time: "What ethnic group or region are you from?"

Eventually someone will ask you, " Well, what's the difference?""For Afro - Tanzanians, Swahili culture, including the language, is the origin and foundation of the Tanzanian nation; thus, in their opinion, it does not owe its very origin to Europeans and European colonialism. Belonging to the Swahili cultural and linguistic community is the key to generally peaceful relations between the various Bantu peoples of Tanzania10, although some of our older respondents, comparing the current situation with that observed in the first decades of independence, argued that today ethnicity is being updated due to economic and political reasons. In our 2005 survey, 76.6% of 994 respondents belonging to a wide variety of social and ethnic groups indicated Swahili as their mother tongue, while only six people (0.6%) identified their ethnicity as "Swahili".

Here are a few of the many typical sayings of Tanzanians of various ages and educational levels:

"The Tanzanian nation exists, and it is one because we all speak the same language - Swahili. There are more than 120 tribes in Tanzania, and the Swahili language unites us all... "(a worker in his early thirties); "Yes, there is a Tanzanian nation. Swahili is not an ethnicity. It doesn't matter if a Tanzanian is of Gogo or Luguru descent, or something else, we are united by the fact that we all speak Swahili " (middle-aged driver); "Being a Tanzanian means being able to speak Swahili" (college student); "I am sure that a single Tanzanian nation exists, because we have a common language - Swahili" (elderly linguist); "We all speak Swahili, we are all brothers and sisters" (Anglican priest, approximately 45 years old). Although, indeed, as some informants told us and we could see for ourselves, English can be a prestigious first language of communication among the social elite, numerous interviews confirm the correctness of N. V. Gromova, who claims that in general " ... the ethno-linguistic situation in Tanzania is characterized by a noticeable predominance of Swahili and its use in all key functions of the communicative sphere. The languages of relatively large ethnic groups, such as Sukuma, Nyamwezi, Haya, and some others that maintain a compact population, are not in such a threatening position as the languages of small ethnic groups, which may disappear in the near future under the influence of mobility and dynamics of the modern Swahili language " 11.

Swahili is spoken fluently not only by Afro - Tanzanians, but also by almost all descendants of migrants from outside Africa, although it is a first language for a few of them (mainly for Omani Arabs, the oldest non-autochthonous community in the country that most readily mixes with the Afro-Tanzanian majority).12. As our interviews show, long life among Africans has changed some of the habits and customs of migrants 13. In addition, again judging by the interviews, life made them realize the truth of the aphorism about the need to live according to Roman customs, if you live in Rome. Finally, several Europeans and Indians noted that their communities have recently become more open to various forms of communication and collaboration with indigenous Africans. However, our interlocutor, who has recently moved from India to Tanzania and therefore has a fresh perspective on the situation, would find support from most Africans and non-Africans in her assessment, in particular, of "Indian" and "Tanzanian", i.e. Swahili, cultures: "Indian culture is such and Tanzanian culture is such that even if they do mix to a certain extent, they can't mix completely, because

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that they are two different civilizations, each with a long history. They (Indo - and Afro - Tanzanians) live, they work together - they are together, and they will continue to be together, but I don't think their customs can ever mix to the point where a single culture is formed."

Swahili culture serves not only as a foundation for the formation, but also as a means of constructing the Tanzanian nation. The official ideology based on the "ujamaa theory", developed by the first President of the country, J. R. R. Tolkien.Nyerere, in no small part, helped to establish in the minds of citizens the idea of the Tanzanian nation not as a legacy of colonialism (which, as noted above, is largely true, although it was during the colonial period that the Swahili language and culture spread and became established throughout Tanganyika): "... a nation that, in the theory of Ujamaa, is a native speaker the national culture transmitted through the Swahili language is actually a State. Thus, state ideology and national culture become synonymous; this is an unjustified synonym that makes it possible to confuse the "objective" Swahili culture (the historical culture of coastal societies) and the" subjective "political culture of Swahili (i.e., [the culture of] modern Tanzania)..." 14.

The language policy pursued within the framework of the state ideology is also aimed at strengthening the position of Swahili as an official language. 15 J. Nyerere has insisted on treating Swahili as the only national language since the country's independence. 16

Indeed ," when it comes to deliberate attempts to promote both formal and informal spheres of life, and to create a truly national and official language, the spread of Swahili among the post-independence Tanzanian population is constantly mentioned as an example of the successful planned introduction of an African national language in a multi-ethnic environment. Today, as a result of a huge effort since the 1960s, Swahili is widely spoken in Tanzania and is used in education, public administration, and interethnic communication throughout the country."17

(The ending follows)

1 For the history of these communities in Tanzania and Zambia, see, in particular: Don Nanjira D. D. C. The Status of Aliens in East Africa: Asians and Europeans in Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya. N.Y., 1976; Nagar R. The South Asian Diaspora in Tanzania: A History Retold // Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East: A Journal of Politics, Culture, Economy. 1996. Vol. 16, N 2. P. 1 - 19; Voigt-Graf C.Asian Communities in Tanzania: A Journey through Past and Present Times. Hamburg, 1998; Macmillan H., Shapiro F. Zion in Africa: The Jews of Zambia. L., 1999; hobo L. They Came to Africa: 200 Years of the Indian Presence in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam, 2000; Phiri B.J. A History of Indians in Eastern Province of Zambia. Lusaka, 2000; Idem. Zambians of Indian Origin: A History of Their Struggle for Survival in a New Homeland. Cape Town, 2001; Lvova E. S. Inonational Christian communities of Dar es Salaam // Moslems and Christians in modern Tanzania: Proceedings of the participants of the Russian expedition. Moscow, 2005. pp. 90-115; Haig J. M. From Kings Cross to Kew: Following the History of Zambia's Indian Community through British Imperial Archives // History in Africa. 2007. Vol. 34, N 1. P. 55 - 66; Milner-Thomton J. Absent White Fathers: Coloured Identity in Zambia // Burdened by Race. Coloured Identities in Southern Africa. Cape Town, 2009. P. 185 - 207; Twaddle M. East African Asians through a Hundred Years // South Asians Overseas: Migration and Ethnicity. Cambridge, 2010. P. 149 - 166.

2 For this reason, we do not consider the attitude of students to non-African minorities, either formed in pre-colonial times (like the Omani core of the Arab community in Tanzania), or emerging today, like the Chinese diaspora in both countries.

Bondarenko D. M. 3 Obrazovanie i toler'nost ' v sovremennoy Tanzanii: etnorasovy i konfessional'nyi aspekty [Education and tolerance in modern Tanzania: Ethno-racial and confessional aspects]. Proceedings of the Russian Integrated Expedition in the United Republic of Tanzania (2005 season). (Editors - in-chief A.V. Korotaev and E. B. Demintseva), Moscow, 2008, pp. 94-121.

4 By the way, the above-mentioned disregard (often due to ignorance) by Africans of the fact of internal diversification of diasporas is clearly manifested in this case as well: Not all ethnic components of the "Indian" community are equally involved in the trade; in particular, the Goans and Punjabis have little involvement in it.

Bondarenko D. M. 5 Decree. op. s. 115-117.

Bharati A. 6 The Asians in East Africa: Jayhind and Uhuru. Chicago, 1972. P. 149 ff.; Brown J.M. Global South Asians: Introducing the Modern Diaspora. Cambridge, 2006. P. 112-148; Usov V. A. India and Africa at the turn of the millennium. Past, present, and Future, Moscow, 2010, pp. 171-181.

Bondarenko D. M. 7 Edict. op. s. 118-119 (note 3).

Prins A.H.J. 8 The Swahili-speaking peoples of Zanzibar and the East African Coast: Arabs, Shirazi and Swahili. L., 1967; Mazrui A.M., Shariff I. N. The Swahili: Idiom and Identity of an African People. Trenton, 1994; Middleton J. The World of the Swahili: An African Mercantile Civilization. New Haven, 1994; Horton M., Middleton J. The Swahili: The Social Landscape of a Mercantile Society. Oxford - Maiden, 2000; Knappert J. Swahili Culture. Vols. 1 - 2. Lewiston, 2005.

9. Zhukov A. A. 9 Culture, language and literature of Swahili (pre-colonial period). Л., 1983; Hurreiz S. H. Origins, Foundation and Evolution of Swahili Culture // Distinctive Characteristics and Common Features of African Cultural Areas South of the Sahara. P., 1985. P. 101 - 123; Allen J. de V. Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture and the Shungwaya Phenomenon. Oxf., 1993; Whiteley W. H. Swahili: The Rise of a National Language. Aldershot, 1993; Horton M., Middleton J. Op. cit.; Middleton J. African Merchants of the Indian Ocean: Swahili of the East African Coast. Long Grove, 2004.

Gerasimov A.V. 10 Vzaimodeystviya mezhdu etnicheskimi gruppami afrotanzaniytsev mater'kovoi chasti Tanzanii (Tanganyika) [Mutual relations between ethnic groups of Afro-Tanzanians on the mainland of Tanzania (Tanganyika)]. Mezhrasovye i mezhetnicheskie otnosheniya v sovremennoy Tanzanii... pp. 57-83.

Gromova N. V. 11 The Swahili language in modern Tanzania: meaning, role, and prospects // Interracial and interethnic relations in modern Tanzania ... p. 92; Yoneda N. "Swahilizalion" of Ethnic Languages in Tanzania: The Case of Matengo // African Study Monographs. 2010. Vol. 31, N 3. P. 139 - 148.

Prins A. H. J. 12 Op. cit.; Lodhi A. Y. The Arabs in Zanzibar (From the Sultanate to the People's Republic) / / Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs. 1986. Vol. 7, N 2. P. 404-418; Korotaev A.V., Khalturina D. A. Arabs in Tanzania // Interracial and interethnic relations in modern Tanzania ... pp. 8-27.

Oonk G. 13 The Changing Culture of the Hindu Lohana Community in East Africa // Contemporary South Asia. 2004. Vol. 13, N 1. P. 7 - 23.

Blommaert J. 14 Ujamaa and Creation of the New Waswahili // Living through Languages: An African Tribute to Rene Dirven. Stellenbosch, 2006. P. 18.

Idem. 15 State Ideology and Language in Tanzania. Cologne, 1999; Topan F. Tanzania: The Development of Swahili as a National and Official Language // Language and National Identity in Africa. Oxf., 2008. P. 252 - 266.

Legure K. 16 Formal and Informal Development of the Swahili Language: Focus on Tanzania // Selected Proceedings of the 36tn Annual Conference on African Linguistics. Somerville, 2006. P. 176.

Simpson A. 17 Introduction // Language and National Identity in Africa. Oxf., 2008. P. 10.


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