For almost 10 years, India has been experiencing a protracted political crisis related to the destruction of the Babur Mosque in Ayodhya (Uttar Pradesh). In its place, followers of Hinduism seek to "restore" the temple of the deity Rama, which led to Hindu-Muslim clashes in 1992-1993 (currently there are about 830 million Hindus and 120 million Muslims in India). These events clearly demonstrated the inability of the last government of the Indian National Congress (INC) party to solve complex problems of interfaith relations, called into question the strength of the foundations of a secular state and secularism laid down by the Nehru course, and brought to power a coalition of right-wing parties led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

The tragedy of December 6, 1992 in the city of Ayodhya is now recalled by armed special forces outfits and a checkpoint set up nine hundred meters from Ram Janmabhumi, the supposed birthplace of the legendary prince. Here, the police are especially careful to check documents and select everything that can, in their opinion, cause harm, up to ballpoint pens. Further along a narrow corridor of metal structures, the road leads to a vacant lot. The site where the Babur Mosque used to be located is covered with asphalt, and rare flower beds are laid out around it. Nearby stands a platform with statues of Rama, his brothers and the leader of the monkey army Hanuman.

"When I was going to Ayodhya, the Delhi people I knew were wary of my intention," a well-known indologist, Ye. V., said at a meeting of the Center for Indian Studies of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Vanina. - Some sadly sighed: "But I wasn't there," others pointedly remarked: "I was there, even before...all of it." Thus, they made it clear that Ayodhya is a special place, which is followed by a trail of evil fame. Indeed, a dark cloud seemed to hang over the palaces and temples of the city. They are constantly waiting for provocations here."

Meanwhile, the construction of the temple complex is in full swing. Five thousand cubic meters of processed stone were delivered from Rajasthan for the construction of the altar part and the pyramid tower. The materials are stored in three locations under the watchful protection of Karsevaks-volunteer ministers of the Hindu organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

The public is patiently awaiting the decision of the Supreme Court of India on the historical affiliation of one of the denominations of 67,703 acres of disputed territory. His verdict is still pending. The investigation of criminal cases against those involved in the destruction of the mosque continues. The fact is that some influential people are interested in delaying the investigation and hiding the real culprits of the drama.

THE VANISHED TEMPLE

Scientists have long noticed that there are almost no monuments of ancient temple architecture left in Northern India. Muslim rulers purposefully destroyed them, and used ready-made stone blocks to build their palaces and tombs. In the Middle Ages Hindu temples were often converted into mosques: they demolished the pyramid tower and built domes and high minarets. There are about a thousand such mosques in India. Many believe that the Babur Mosque, called Babri Masjid by Muslims, had a similar fate.

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According to Hindu legend, the birthplace of Rama, the seventh descent of the supreme god Vishnu, once stood a magnificent temple. It was sacked by the army of Ba-bura, the founder of the Mughal Empire, and a mosque was built on its ruins in 1528. However, "Babur-nameh" and other written sources of the XVI century do not confirm this fact. A thorough survey of the Babri Masjid and its environs, conducted in 1970-1980 by Indian archaeologists at the request of the government, also revealed no signs of the existence of another place of worship on the site of the mosque.

However, at Babri Masjid, archaeologists found 14 dark stone columns decorated with plant ornaments. According to Professor R. Champakalakshmi of the J. R. R. Tolkien University, Nehru, the columns are not directly related to the temple architecture and belong to the buildings of domestic use of the XI-XII centuries. Their height of 1.5-2 meters does not imply a high-rise overlap.

Admittedly, Ayodhya's grandeur has faded somewhat since the Ramayana. The city cannot compete on equal terms with Varanasi, Hardwar and other famous religious centers of Hinduism. It is possible that Ayodhya, mentioned in the ancient epic as the seat of Rama, was located on the opposite bank of the Sarayu River or in some other place along its course.

AT THE EPICENTER OF PASSION

According to the documents, the mass pilgrimage to Ram Janmabhumi began in the middle of the XIX century. In 1855, during the Hindu-Muslim clashes, 75 people died here. Since then, representatives of the Hindu faith have raised the issue of transferring the disputed territory under their control more than 70 times.

On the night of December 23, 1949, unknown persons entered the premises of the Babur Mosque and installed an image of Rama and his wife Sita. Realizing what consequences such an action might lead to, J. Nehru demanded that the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Republic of South Ossetia, V. Karapetyan, take a step forward. Patel wants to hold violators of the law accountable. After the energetic intervention of the Minister, order was restored in the city. At his direction, the district authorities sealed the doors of the mosque, allowing Hindus to perform certain rituals near the walls of the building, including darshan, that is, viewing the image of God.

In the mid-1980s, the situation in Ayodhya escalated again. This is primarily the fault of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) religious and community organization, which belongs to the "RSS family" * . VHP leaders declared the Babur Mosque "a monument to the former Muslim rule" and called for the "restoration" of the temple at all costs. To begin with, they invited numerous Hindu priests to make bricks with the name of Rama stamped on them. The bricks were delivered with honors to the construction site, where the solemn laying of the first stone took place. It was attended by activists of the VHP, BJP and RSS. In response, Indian Muslims formed the Babri Masjid Liberation Committee and began preparing a march on Ayodhya.

These events took place on the eve of the next parliamentary elections and certainly had an impact on their outcome. In 1989, the BJP won 11.4 percent of the popular vote and won 89 seats in the People's Chamber, compared to two in the previous composition.

The growing role of right-wing parties and organizations in the socio-political process was accompanied by the ideological expansion of fundamentalism. Instead of the principle of secularism, which in the interpretation of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi meant religious tolerance and equal respect for all religions, Hindu politicians offer the concepts of "Hindu rashtra" (Hindu state) and "Hindutva" (Hindu nation). According to the RCC ideologist K. R. Malkani, Hindutva and Hinduism have the same root,

* The so-called "RSS family" includes: Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Council of Hindus, WCP), Bajrang Dal (Squad of the Strong) and other organizations.

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it unites Hindus with a common history, culture and way of life. He claims that the tricolor flag of the Republic of India initially contradicts the idea of a Hindu state and should be replaced with saffron, and one of the Vedic hymns should be recognized as a national one. Malkani calls for the expulsion of "disloyal" Muslims to Pakistan, as they pose a threat to the country's security, and the restriction of civil rights for Christians and representatives of other faiths. "India for Hindus", "Hinduism is true secularism", "One people, one nation, one culture" - these are the slogans of modern Hindutva adherents.

The new attacks on secularism have coincided with a period of deep crisis for the Indian National Congress, which has long been the country's most influential party. The rating of its leaders has dropped significantly. Party officials are mired in factional squabbles and corruption. Taking advantage of this, the BJP seeks to maximize its achievements. In the struggle for power, it is actively assisted by the RCC and VHP. They are launching a powerful propaganda campaign that focuses on the non-existent Temple of Rama.

On 30 November 1992, BJP leaders L. K. Advani, A. B. Vajpayee and M. M. Joshi appealed to the People's Chamber of Deputies to take part in the Ayodhya campaign. At the same time, Advani and Joshi announced their intention to personally lead the columns heading there from Varanasi and Mathura (Uttar Pradesh). Their political allies were supported by the leaders of the RCC B. Deoras and Rajendra Singh and VHP Secretary General A. Singhal. The date of the general collection was announced on December 6, 1992.

Prime Minister Narasimha Rao, alarmed by the upcoming action, held an emergency meeting in Delhi on December 3 with leading figures of the RCC family and sadhus - followers of Hinduism who are approaching the "highest sanctity". They assured the Prime Minister that only the construction of a platform for religious rites and its ablution are planned in the city of Rama. On the same day, Interior Minister S. B. Chavan announced the news on State television.

On December 5, 220,000 RCC volunteer ministers from twenty states of India gathered in Ayodhya. They carried flags with images of Rama, Hanuman and the sacred Hindu sign "Om". Many of them had saffron rags tied around their heads. Long-haired sadhus and gurus stood out in the crowd. Late in the afternoon, word spread of the arrival of BJP leaders. The country froze in tense anticipation.

BLACK SUNDAY CHRONICLE

On December 6, 1992, events in Ayodhya developed rapidly.

9.00. Two hundred thousand Karsevaks-RSS volunteers-accompanied by sadhus and heads of Hindu communities leave the tent camp and go to Babri Masjid. Their path is blocked by a chain of 2,800 police officers.

10.15. A spontaneous rally begins at the ritual platform. Advani and Joshi call for organization and discipline. In response, the crowd chants, " Jai Sriram!" ("Long live Rama!"). Separate groups break through police lines to the mosque.

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11.55. Thousands of frantic people climb the walls of the ancient building. With pickaxes and shovels, they turn out the stones and throw them down the slope of the hill. A timid attempt by Uma Bharati and other BJP lawmakers to persuade the aggressive crowd to return to the camp was unsuccessful.

13.30. Four battalions of the rapid reaction brigade are moving in the direction of Ayodhya. They would arrive at the mosque in eight minutes. The magistrate reports that the authorities are in control of the situation. The servicemen are returning to their place of deployment.

14.55. The left dome of the building collapsed.

15.05. The right dome is broken. Advani orders to block the entrances to the city to avoid clashes with the police and troops.

16.50. The central dome collapsed. RCC volunteer attendants are dismantling the last floor coverings. Babri Masjid no longer exists. Under its wreckage, 4 people were killed and about 600 injured.

18.35. The statue of Rama, taken out on the eve of the assault, is solemnly installed in its former place. The ritual of ablution is performed. Looters smash shops and homes of local Muslims.

Later, some eyewitnesses will claim that everything happened spontaneously, and the RSS volunteers acted on a whim. This raises a number of legitimate questions. Why did those gathered at the ritual platform carry pickaxes, shovels, and pieces of rebar? How did they manage to dismantle the massive structure in six hours? Did they have a plan for the operation, and who prepared it?

The answers to these questions were given by the participants of the campaign themselves. In conversations with Indian journalists, the Karsevaks admitted that they were informed in advance of the goals and nature of their mission. In mid-1992, 1,200 volunteers received special training at a training camp on the outskirts of Ahmedabad, Gujarat. Along with physical exercises, the training included ways to overcome barricades, self-defense from tear gases, and destroying a brick wall with available means. After completing the course, they returned to their respective states and trained junior cadres. The camp was often visited by leaders of the RCC family.

Some BJP leaders recommended arming themselves with pickaxes and shovels. During the procession of columns to Ayodhya, they often repeated that the goal of Karseva-voluntary service to the ideals of the RSS-should not be limited to the performance of Vedic hymns. "Babri Masjid is a symbol of slavery. Independent India does not accept it. The Rama Temple will be restored, " Jo-shi said. Advani suggested that Babri Masjid be dismantled and rebuilt at a distance of five kilometers from Ram Janmabhumi.

As one of the most influential Karsevaks later admitted to the correspondent of the Indian magazine "Frontline", the plan for the destruction of the mosque was prepared at the end of September. Its author is a civil engineer from Orissa, who studied the architectural features of the building on site. His plan highlighted supporting structures and deep cracks in them, as well as marked police posts. Each assault group was assigned a specific section of the wall. "We were woken up early in the morning. We were sleepy and made mistakes, but we generally went according to plan, " said Ram Ashraj Prasad, a volunteer from Munger, Bihar.

Due to strong public criticism, the BJP and RSS leaders were later forced to disown the storming of the mosque. They do not consider themselves guilty of what they did. For example, the new leader of the RSS, K. S. Sudarshan, put forward a "bomb theory" on December 8, 2000, according to which Babri Masjid was blown up by a high-power bomb planted by unknown intruders, and the RSS volunteers present at the site of the explosion only dismantled the wreckage. The Cabinet of Ministers, which failed to prevent the terrorist act, should bear the blame for the terrorist act. Sudarshan tried to confirm his claim by fax, allegedly sent to the then Prime Minister by a member of the Maharashtra government. But he refused to show the document, as, by his own admission, he lost it.

Even his closest allies were skeptical of Sudarshan's statement. So, one of the main organizers of the operation in Ayodhya V.Katiar called the bomb theory "an insult to the memory of the heroes who gave their lives for the Rama Temple."

THE POWERLESSNESS OF LEO

When it became known about the destruction of the Babur Mosque, violent Hindu-Muslim clashes broke out in different parts of the country. In terms of scope and bloodshed, they can only be compared with the events of the partition of India in 1947. At the same time as small cities, skirmishes took place in such megacities as Delhi, Mumbai and Calcutta. Targets and victims of attacks were chosen almost everywhere in advance.

Two weeks of violence in Maha Rashtra killed 259 people, Guja-

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Rata - 246, Uttar Pradesh-201, Madhya Pradesh-120, Assam-100, Karnataka-60, Rajasthan-48, West Bengal-32, Bihar-24, Kerala-12 and Tamil Nadu-2 people. The number of wounded exceeded 15 thousand. Between 60 and 70 percent of the victims were Muslims. Frightened people left their homes and fled for their lives.

At this dramatic moment, much depended on the decisive actions of the head of government and his team. However, the last kongressist prime minister behaved as if he was struck by a serious illness. Narasimha Rao, an obviously sophisticated politician, this time withdrew from his duties and took refuge in his residence.

Shocked by what had happened, he was acutely aware that he had failed. The RSS Family did not fulfill the promises made to it the day before, and, apparently, did not intend to fulfill them. In the ruins of the mosque, RSS volunteers openly jeered at his impotence, chanting, "No one is afraid of Narasimha Rao anymore!"

The prime minister was primarily a victim of his own short-sighted policy of appeasing fundamentalism. An advocate of compromise with the Hindutva ideology, he often received BJP, VHP and RCC leaders, held confidential conversations with them, promised them to hand over a disputed plot of land if it was proved that the Rama Temple stood on it, and opposed the intervention of the judicial authorities in this sensitive issue. In doing so, he continued the line of Rajiv Gandhi, who allowed the removal of locks from Babri Masjid in 1986.

Narasimha Rao is directly responsible for the admission of RSS volunteers to Ayodhya. And when the situation still demanded to withdraw the fanatics from the city, he once again showed lack of will, turning to V. Katiar for help. As a result, the Karsevaks left the city as winners.

There was another active participant in this tragedy. Kalyan Singh, Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. He deliberately ignored threats from militant fanatics, refused to deploy additional troops and police units in Ayodhya, and deliberately passed false information to Delhi during the storming of the mosque. So, at noon on December 6, he sent a telephone message: "Some scoundrels entered the territory of the complex and caused damage to it. The police forced them out of the complex." Kalyan Singh justified his destructive actions by saying that his initiatives were hindered by the center, which did not allow the use of force against extremists. Like the BJP leaders, he blamed Delhi for everything.

The government's inaction continued until a group of determined members of the government, led by Human Resources Development Minister Arjun Singh-hom, forced their way into the Prime Minister's residence. Under their pressure, Narasimha Rao announced the arrest of the organizers of the pogroms, the banning of the activities of the RSS, the VHP and the Muslim Jamaat-e Islami ,and the removal from power of Kalyan Singh and the BJP governments in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh, in which presidential rule was introduced. To restore order, it was necessary to call in army units to help. Curfews were imposed in 18 cities.

On December 8, Advani, Joshi, Uma Bharati, Singhal and other RSS family activists were arrested. They were escorted to the prison by a large crowd of supporters. In total, about two thousand people were detained and arrested. The situation showed that the measures taken were ineffective, and soon the arrested were released on bail. Despite the temporary ban, religious and community organizations continued to operate legally. Even more difficult was the Prime Minister's promise to restore Babri Masjid. He repeated it on December 8, 9, and 11, 1992. This created an additional problem for the Government and finally convinced the country that Narasimha Rao and his party were not in a position to resolve complex sectarian disputes.

In the parliamentary elections of 1996, INC (I) suffered a sensitive defeat. The BJP won 23.5 percent of the popular vote and 161 seats in the People's Chamber. With its allies in mind, it was supported by 185 seats, and as the largest parliamentary faction formed the government. However, it lasted for 13 days, as the BJP failed to mobilize the required number of votes. It was replaced by a coalition of left-wing parties, the United Front(UF), supported by the INC (I).

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Nevertheless, the BJP has achieved clear success and has managed to stay afloat.

ECHOES OF AYODHYA IN THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

The OF government was in power for two years and all this time tried to ignore the problem of Ayodhya. His only initiative in this regard was to suspend work on the construction of the temple complex, which, of course, did not meet with understanding in the Hindu community. After the 1998 elections, the BJP forms a coalition government, winning 182 seats against 140 for the INC(I). The BJP's victory was facilitated by the removal of the Rama Temple issue from the election manifesto and a number of other demands of a religious and communal nature that directly affect the interests of religious minorities.

Meanwhile, the right-wing coalition lost its parliamentary majority after 13 months - the All-India Democratic Federation of Tamils withdrew from its membership. Early parliamentary elections were held in September-October 1999. They were confidently won by the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), which unites the BJP and 23 allied parties. The NDA won 304 seats out of 545. The new Government of India was again headed by A. B. Vajpayee. Interior Minister L. K. Advani, Human Resources Development Minister M. M. Joshi and Sports Minister Uma Bharati were appointed.

The opposition did not fail to take advantage of the latter circumstance. On the eve of the next anniversary of the Ayodhya tragedy, she demanded that the Prime Minister withdraw from the government those responsible for the destruction of the mosque. The position of the INC (I) in the People's Chamber was defended by its best tribunes - S. D. Reddy, M. S. Ayyar and P. R. Dasmunshi.

Vajpayee described the allegations as baseless and pointed out their political implications. During the controversy, he stressed that the construction of the Rama Temple "meets national feelings" and remains "an unsolved task". The Prime Minister's announcement stunned even BJP allies, including regional party leaders. The head of the Trinumal Congress (TC), Mamata Banerjee, noted that" national feelings " correspond not only to the reconstruction of the Rama Temple, but also to the restoration of the Babur Mosque. It was supported by the Chairman of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) parliamentary faction, K. Naidu, adding that in the current circumstances, it seems appropriate to maintain the status quo until the verdict of the Supreme Court. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) party, which advocates a balanced approach to the Ayodhya issue, joined the TC and TDP. Together, they expressed regret over the" careless "statements of officials that contribute to the "communalization of the country", and demanded additional explanations from the Prime Minister.

In a reply on 7 December 2000, Vajpayee stated that by "unresolved task" he meant the debate in Parliament, but not the construction of a temple on the ruins of a mosque. He went on to point out two possible ways out of the impasse: first, passing a court decision in favor of restoring the Rama Temple, and second, reaching a compromise between representatives of interested faiths on the relocation of Babri Masjid. For his part, Advani recalled the Sikh pogroms of 1984, when the INC (I) led the government, and Uma Bharati accused the opposition of political sabotage.

On December 14, a vote was held on the issue of withdrawing the three mentioned ministers from the Government. On the eve of the procedure, a group of deputies from the Labor Code left the hall. After the Prime Minister's intervention, they returned to the hall. The INC(I) proposal was rejected by 291 votes to 184, which is not surprising, as the NDA has a strong parliamentary majority.

In the spring of this year, the loud echo of Ayodhya reminded us once again. After repeated delays, the commission of inquiry headed by Liberhan was visited by Advani. During two days of testimony, he said that the Muslim community should voluntarily accept the loss of part of its cultural heritage in the name of atonement for all historical sins. This is the only way to reconcile with the Hindu majority. "It remains a generally accepted fact that there is now a temple on the site that is perceived by all Hindus as Ram Janmabhumi," he stressed.

The unresolved Ayodhya issue increases distrust and disunity in society, destabilizes the political situation and creates a dangerous precedent for the repetition of the events of "Black Sunday".

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