A previously unpublished terracotta half-figure of a nude woman (Fig. 1-2) was received by the Hermitage in 1851 as part of the Pizzati collection (1). It should be noted that the accepted naming of such figurines as half-figures is somewhat arbitrary, since the lower section of the figure passes over the knees. The woman's hair, almost entirely pulled back under a slope, is released only in front in wavy strands, parted in the middle. Reaching down to the ears, they frame an elongated face with a low forehead, a straight nose, a plump, slightly curved mouth and a heavy chin. The neck is emphatically long and slender. Straight broad shoulders, a flat stomach and narrow hips, devoid of any roundness, rather resemble the structure of a youthful body. Small breasts are widely spaced and asymmetrical. The main feature is the interpretation of the arms and legs: only the upper parts of the arms, above the elbows, and the upper parts of the legs are depicted.

Fixed in the Code of Ethics. The type of figurines in question (2), which appeared in Attica around 480 BC and lasted approximately 150 years (3), is represented by more than two dozen copies. One early specimen, dated to about 460 BC, still clearly shows a connection with archaic art in the facial shape: the outer corners of the eyes are slightly raised, a slight smile is frozen on the compressed lips (4). Unlike the Hermitage terracotta, the hair here is completely covered with a slope that retains traces of yellow paint. As for the interpretation of the body, no significant differences are observed, the dimensions also coincide. The origin of another statuette of the same type (National Museum of Denmark) is unknown, but R. Higgins attributes it to an Attic workshop of the fifth century BC. (5) The Basel "Auction" for 1975 published a copy of a beautiful work created in an Attic workshop around 440 BC. (6) Both figurines also have wavy hair parted in the middle, they frame the face, going down to the ears, and are slanted at the back. The asymmetry in the interpretation of the body is also preserved. The nature of the clay figurines from the Hermitage also allows it to be included in the list of products of Attic production given here.

The same group includes an Attic terracotta from the middle of the fifth century BC from the collection of A. Furtwengler in the Liebighaus Museum in Frankfurt am Main (7). Eckstein and Legner, describing this specimen, suggest that the missing parts

1. Inv. N. 248. The statue is 15 cm high. Made of bright orange clay with very small inclusions of mica, the terracotta was badly damaged: the front surface of the right leg was not preserved and the surface of the left leg was partially damaged. The statue is hollow, open at the bottom, executed in a two-part form, and the back side is plastically modeled. The surface is covered almost everywhere with preserved white coating. On the coating in many places - a layer of beige paint. There is a small fragment of yellow dye on the front of the hair.

2. Winter F. Die Typen der figurlichen Terrakotten. Bd I. Berlin - Stuttgart, 1903. S. 170. Abb. 3.

З. Dorg J. Von griechischen Puppen // Antike Kunst. Basel, 1958. Bd I. Ht 2. S. 47.

4. Kunstwerke der Antike. Auktion 18. 29 November 1958. Basel, 1958. N 55.

5. Higgins R.A. Greek Terracottas. L., 1967. PI. 30 В; ср. Breitenstein N. Danish National Museum. Catalogue of Terracottas. Copenhagen, 1941. N 266.

6. Kunstwerke der Antike. Auktion 51. 14/15 Marz 1975. Basel, 1975. N 200.

7. Her head is pasted on in modern times and probably belonged to another statuette of Attic work in the middle of the fifth century BC; see Eckstein F.. Legner A. Antike Kleinkunst im Liebieghaus. Frankfurt am Main, 1969. N 30.

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the arms and legs were made of cloth or leather. However, the point of view of P. K. Bohl, who believed that the statuette has a complete appearance, seems to be more correct, since it is supported by images of such half-figures on tombstone steles [8]. Eckstein and Legner express doubts about the Attic production of terracotta, believing that it was rather executed in Boeotia according to a model created in Attica shortly before. You should note the lower quality of this instance compared to the previous ones.

Boeotian origin is attributed to two more figurines: from the Martin von Wagner Museum at the University of Würzburg (9) and from the private collection of Erlen-Meyer (10). The latter, according to Derig, was created a little later than 480 BC, i.e. we can speak of Boeotian borrowing of the Attic type at an early stage of its existence. Schweizer used the Würzburg terracotta for comparison with a later statuette from a private collection in Konigsberg, to which his article was actually devoted, in order to show their stylistic difference with a common type. The Konigsberg figurine is one of the best examples of the second group, which can be conditionally distinguished within the type, in contrast to the first group, which includes all the figurines mentioned above, including the Hermitage one.

8. Bol Р.С. Liebieghaus-Museum alter Plastik. Flihrer durch die Sammlungen Antike Kunst. Frankfurt am Main, 1980. S. 48 f. Abb. 52.

9. Schweitzer В. Eine attische Tonpuppe // MDAI (R). 1929. Bd 44. Taf. 4. This publication is very important, since the back side of the terracotta has been lost since 1945, and the article by Bauchhens reproduces it in an incomplete form (Bauchhenss Chr. Nachrichten aus dem Martin von Wagner Museum in Wdrzburg. Zwei Terrakotten aus Kleinasien // AA. 1973. Bd 88. Ht 1. S. 10. Abb. 6; ср. Schmidt E. Katalog der antiken Terrakotten. Martin- von-Wagner Museum der Universitat Wiirzburg. Mainz am Rhein, 1994. N 58. Taf. 14g).

10. Dorig. Op. cit. S. 46-47. Taf. 26, 7-2.

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Its high artistic quality allowed Schweizer to describe it as "a precious monument of Attic plastic art, whose significance is particularly growing, since it stands among the few images of the naked female body in round plastic art of the fifth century BC "(11). The half-figure is made in three matrices, not two, like the previous ones-the head is stamped in a separate form. The statuette looks much larger than the Hermitage one and is distinguished by a careful plastic elaboration of the details of the figure, the athletic nature of which is striking. She has a special hairstyle: strands of hair fall from the temples to the top of the head over the cap.

Similarly, strands of hair lie on top of the cap of a statuette of the middle of the fifth century BC from the Louvre (also of Attic production (12)), made in two matrices. It is characterized by a soft interpretation and a special fullness of bodily forms. In this respect, the Attic terracotta of 450-440 BC, preserved in Berlin, is close to it, although it is printed in three matrices, and the cap is decorated with partially preserved ribbons and rosettes painted with red paint on a white coating (Fig. H) (13). The faces of all three figurines are carefully modeled, the eyelids are plastically modeled. In the first group of terracotas, they were more often transmitted in a picturesque way.

A special place is occupied by a copy of an Attic work from the middle of the fifth century BC from the Academic Art Museum in Bonn (14), which stands as if at the junction of two groups. Despite the difference in size with Berlin terracotta (Bonn 2.5 cm higher), they have a lot in common: hairstyle, similar faces with oblong full ovals, plump lips, heavy chins, equally massive body shapes. However, there is a significant difference in the silhouettes of the figures. The figure from Bonn lacks the inherent Berlin statuette roundness of the hips, resulting from a smooth tapering down. The straight lines of the hips bring it closer to the samples of the first group, although the latter are much flatter and narrower and are solved more schematically.

Thus, the Hermitage figurine should be attributed to the first group of the type of nude female half-figures. In fact, it preserves the archaic approach to the interpretation of the naked female body. This particular variant is readily borrowed from Attic coroplasty by Boeotian craftsmen [15].

11. Schweitzer. Op. cit. S. 5-6, 10. The location of the terracotta, which was already poorly preserved at the time of Schweitzer's publication, is unknown.

12. Mollard-Besques S. Catalogue raisonne des figurines et reliefs en terre-cuite grecs, etrusque.s et remains. P., 1954. V. I. P. 12. PI. LVI. An unusually low cut-off line of the arms, passing below the waist, catches the eye. A similar hairstyle can be seen in the nymph Arethusa on a silver tetradrachm from Syrause c. 420-400 BC (Williams D., OgdenGe. Greek gold. Jewelry art of the classical era. V-IV centuries BC St. Petersburg, 1995. p. 201. Fig. 58).

13. Koster A. Die griechischen Terrakotten. В., 1926. Taf. 31; Rhode E. Griechische Terrakotten. Tiibirigen, 1968. Taf. 19a. Previously, the statue was in an Antique Store.

14 Antiken aus dem Akademischen Kunstmuseum Bonn. Diisseldorf, 1969. N 58. S. 50-51. Taf. 37.

15. In addition to Boeotia, the Attic type of nude half-figure is widespread in the middle of the fifth century BC in Cyrenaica, whose coroplasty was strongly influenced by the craft schools of Attica. The British Museum, in particular, has a whole series of such terracotas of very mediocre work.

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Turning to this type of terracotta, we encounter a rare phenomenon in ancient art, when works of coroplastics are reproduced on other monuments, namely on tombstone stelae. From the already compiled list of such stelae (16), with good reason, if we are talking about naked half-figures, we can distinguish only five Attic tombstones of the first half of the IV century BC. This is the Plangon stele from the State Antique Collections of Munich (17), a stele from the National Museum of Athens (18), a fragment from the Calvet Museum in Avignon (Fig. 4), the author of which is associated with the workshop of the Gegeso stele (19), and also badly damaged in the upper part

characteristic features are the impression in the form of only the front side and a low cylindrical profile. Sometimes there is a low pedestal , a local feature not found in either Attica or Boeotia (Higgins R. A. Catalog of the Terracottas in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities. British Museum. V. I. L., 1969. P. 378. N 1437- 1441; Mollard-Besques. Op. cit. P. 208-210).

16. Bauchhenss. Op, cit. S. 12. Anm. 62; Dorig. Op. cit. S. 46-47.

17. Conze A. Die attischen Grabreliefs. V., 1900. N 815. Taf. 156; Kaarpio-n} P. 'Ai -' cryXixpa btptiru R. e-rd TTXdYYOiwr / / ' Efter1? yrhoaoHou1kg. 1909. 3 (see p. 122 of the el. and Table 2 on p. 126); Furtwangler A. Beschreibung der Glyptothek Konig Ludwig's I. Zu Munchen. Munchen, 1910. S. 177. N 199; Dorig. Op. cit. Taf. 23 /

18. Conze. Op. cit. N 814. Taf. 154.

19. Ibid. N 880. Taf. 170; Kaatryutt]?. Op. cit. P. 127-128. PI. 3; Dorig. Op. cit. S. 46. Taf. 23, 2.

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parts of a stele of the second quarter of the IV century BC from Athens (20). Derig believes that on the last stele, the girl held a "doll" - a statuette-by a string attached to her head (21). The preservation of the plate does not allow us to say anything with complete certainty, but it is quite possible that the girl's hand simply covered the upper part of the statuette. In any case, among the terracotas of this type, there are no specimens with a hole in the head for a shoelace or with any traces of its attachment. The fifth stele, the tomb of Aristomachus, dates from about 370-360 BC (Figure 5) (22).

The only known marble semi-figure similar to the terracotta one dates from about 400 BC. The miniature sculpture (its height is 13.5 cm) is characterized by a generalized, somewhat primitive interpretation, although in terms of volume and plastic solution it is closer to the second group of terracotas than to the first: it emphasizes the feminine principle more [23].

So, the dating of the stelae shows that by the time of their appearance, the type of figurines we are interested in had already existed for several decades, if not a whole century. During this time, such figures were placed in burials (24). The chronological gap is associated with the fact that only from the end of the fifth century BC in Greek art interest in the individual as such and in her private life is awakened. Hence, the theme of reliefs of tombstone steles appears

a new intimate lyrical line with its inherent introduction and playing out in the interpretation of the plot of parting with earthly life details from everyday life (25), and these details acquire special significance.

The question of whether the definition of "dolls" is appropriate for terracotta female half-figures is related to the idea of the meaning and purpose of dolls in general in Greek society at that time. It is known that in a number of religious rituals and cultic rites dolls played almost a central role. As an example, we can refer to the Daedalus and the very ancient ritual associated with the veneration of Charila, known, in particular, from Plutarch, who discovered its existence. It is true that during his time it had the character of a merry festival dedicated to charity and fertility (26).

20. KaarpLOTr]?. Op. cit. P. 130. PI. 4.

21. Doris. Op. cit. S. 46.

22. Kunstwerke der Antike. Auktion 18. N 6.

23. Blumel С. Die klassisch-griechischen Skulpturen der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. В., 1966. N 113. Abb. ISO-181.

24. Schweitzer. Op. cit. S. 5; Burr Thompson D. The Figurines // Small Objects from the Pnyx. Princeton, 1943. P. 114f.

25. Burr Thompson. Op. cit.

26. Harrison J.E. Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion. Cambr., 1903. P. 106 f.

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Another example is the pilgrimage of women at the festival in honor of Adonis to the doll of Adonis lying on a stretcher (27).

Very important (sometimes ambiguous) could also be the meaning of several varieties of terracotta figurines, most often nude, sometimes with suspended movable arms and legs, which are usually defined as dolls. However, it must be remembered that these figures, even when they were intended for children, expressed the worldview of adults. The Derigs, who were most thoroughly engaged in terracotta dolls, noted their special symbolic role at such an important moment in the life of young Greek women as marriage. There is a famous epigram from the Palatine Anthology, which tells about a certain Timareta, who dedicated her doll (along with her favorite toy, favorite balls, and a hair net) to Artemis Limnea before the wedding, as well as the doll's clothes (28). Unfortunately, the epigram does not contain any description of the doll. Excavations of temple sites provide ample evidence of girls dedicating their dolls to Artemis or another patron goddess before their wedding. Dolls with suspended limbs are found in the temples of Aphrodite, Athena, and Demeter (29). However, it is not recorded that nude half-figures were found there.

Were these half-figure dolls just toys? There are different answers to this question. So, Schweizer believed that " the children's imagination was not shocked by the fact that the dolls depicted adult girls, or that their hands and feet were only partially depicted. They were swaddled in swaddling clothes during games like babies "(30). More than forty years later, X. Bauhens also described such terracotas as mere " doll toys "(31). Derig took a different view. In the perception and use of figurines, he believed, there should have been a duality inherent in their very common name "bark", because this was the name of both dolls and miniature clay figurines, dedicatory gifts to the gods, which are found in abundance in shrines. "For many young girls who matured early in the south," writes Derig, " who were still playing with dolls at the age of fifteen, small figures probably meant more than babies, playing with which, swaddling them, wrapping them in cloth, they childishly imitated their mothers. Their thoughts and feelings were directed to the wedding, and in dolls they loved the desire and dream of their own fulfillment of love "(32), i.e., there was always an association with the future marriage (33).

Referring to the Plangon stele, Derig also calls the statue in the hands of the girl a toy, which, along with the bag for astrogals and a piece of cloth depicted here, probably intended to wrap the figure, creates an atmosphere of some idyll that surrounded the girl in an early life that ended. But when it comes to the stele from Athens, the researcher emphasizes a different, timeless, symbolic meaning of the scene (34).

The search for an explanation of why young Greek women who died prematurely were depicted on tombstones holding such figures prompted Derig to turn to the Daedalus festival described in detail by Pausanias and the myth and ritual associated with it (35). In the processions held during the Daedalus, the most important role was played by wooden dolls, which were called Daedalus and depicted Hera. The interpretation of the essence of Daedalus by many researchers is reduced not only to the celebration of accept-

27. Dorig. Op. cit. S. 49. Anm. 60. Echoes of this ritual are heard in Theocritus (Idyl. XV).

28. Anthologia Palatina. VI. 280; Moscow Elderkin K. Joined Dolls in Antiquity // AJA. 1930. 34. P. 455; Dorig. Op. cit. S. 44.

29. Moscow Time Elderkin. Op. cit.

30. Schweitzer. Op. cit. S. 6.

31. Bauchhenss. Op. cit. S. 12.

32. Dorig. Op. cit. S. 44.

33. Let us remember that in Greece marriages were often made very early; see, for example, Hep. Oes. VII. 5.

34. Dorig. Op. cit. S. 46.

35. Ibid.

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renius of Zeus and Hera, but above all to the celebration of Hera as a bride entering into a sacred marriage with Zeus (36). It is no accident that dolls were decorated like brides. The same Pausanias recounts the Argos legend about Hera's bathing in the spring of Canathos, after which she became a virgin again (37) and thus could act as an "eternal" bride.

The duality discussed above was also noted by H. Kirileis. Calling the terracotta from Bonn "weibliche Puppe", he admits that defining such figurines as dolls looks strange: "For sure, they were not only toys, but also embodied at the same time... the divine essence" (38). U. Lipman, who published a fragmentary copy from the Kestner Museum under the title "Torso Puppe", also notes that only initially such figurines served as toys, but then, used as dedicatory gifts and sacrifices, they became objects of religious worship. Following Derig, she was inclined to believe that they embodied Hera as a "heavenly bride" (39).

Finally, according to the third version, nude half-figures were never perceived as toys at all, but had a purely religious meaning. This point of view was first expressed by Mac Elderkin (40). It seems that the supporters of the latter point of view are closest to the truth.

It is the very specific shape of terracotta that seems to indicate their iconic character. It is possible that at some stage they were dressed in peplos or chitons (so that their hands and feet were not visible), performing some ritual, similar to what happened when dressing the statue of Hera in Olympia (41), Apollo of Amyclea (42) or Athena at the end of the Panathenaic procession in real clothes. The assumption that such a practice existed in relation to terracotas was made by H. Bauhens with reference to such an authority as D. Barr Thomson. The researcher believes that the seated nude female figures, which she considers in her article, were dressed in real clothes, like cult statues [43]. An idea of what the half-figures looked like when dressed is probably given by the chronologically identical type of terracotta half-figures in peplos, in which the arms tightly pressed to the body are not plastically revealed in the lower part (Fig. b) (44). However, judging by the images on the stelae, at certain times

36. Rofscher W.H. Пега // Austuhrliches Lexikon der griechi.schen und romischen Mythologie. I. Lpz, 1886. S. 2080 ff.; Schoeffer. Daidala // RR. Bd 4. 1901. S. 199! ff.; tiunziker. Daidala // Darcmberg Ch? Salio E. Dictionnaire des antiquiles grecques et rornaines. V. II. 1. P., 1892. P. 19 suiv.

37. Puus. IX. 2. 7. Similar ritual bathing is attributed to Aphrodite (Harrison. Op. cit. p. 312 f.).

38. Antiken aus dem Akademischen Kunstmuseum Bonn. S. 50- 51.

39. Liepmunn U. Griechische Terrakotten. Bronzen. Skulpturen. Bildkataloge des Kestner-Museums. Hannover, 1975. S. 21, 71. Vol. 60.

40. McK Elderkm. Op. cit.

41. Paux. V. 16. 2.

42. Ibid. III. 16. 1-2.

43. Rauchhenss. Op. cit. S. 8.

44. Winter. Op. cit. S. 62. Abb. 4-6.

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the type of figurines we are interested in was used without any clothing. Consequently, their peculiar shape was deliberate and not hidden. In general, the idea of using clothing to disguise some invisible or incomplete parts of the figure was apparently alien to the Greek masters. This approach is confirmed by the pictorial technique, which can be clearly traced in the work of vase painters who worked at the same time, who painted white-phonedifs. On them, due to the instability of colors, some figures that were originally dressed now look naked, and you can see how carefully the female figure was drawn under the clothes.

The deliberate absence of the lower parts of the arms and legs in this type of figurine is mysterious, and no researcher has yet been able to explain it satisfactorily. It is only clear that it carried a deep meaning, about which only guesses can be expressed. The study of images of semi-figures in the vase painting of the classical period by C. Berard, who relied on the theory of C. Dugas about the so-called code, a system of symbols that is largely unclear for modern researchers, but is absolutely understandable for those who were intended for the works of artists, can probably provide some help here [45]. In vase painting, the corresponding section of the figure, often at hip level, usually meant the mythical transition of the deity of the border between the earthly and otherworldly spheres of existence, symbolizing the continuity of life. Perhaps the specific form of terracotta had a similar meaning, quite appropriate for the objects reproduced on the tombstone stelae of young girls. К. Berard convincingly showed that the theme of these transitions especially attracted the Attic masters in connection with the ideas about the autochthonous nature of the Athenians, based on the myth of the birth of their legendary ancestor Erichtonius, the son of Gaia and Hephaestus (46). Recall that it is in attic coroplasty that the type of naked half-figures appears, as well as the type of half-figures in peplos. Moreover, it seems that only on Attic tombstones are such figurines depicted in the hands of girls (47). Moreover, the version of their association with wedding and marriage, as discussed above, is supported by an analogy in jewelry [48]. It can be assumed that half-figures in peplos and nude figures such as the Hermitage published here represented the same deity, and the name of Aphrodite can probably be called with no less reason than Hera.

Pausanias mentions that in Hermione, girls and widows who were about to remarry sacrificed in the temple of Aphrodite before they married (49). Aphrodite's close involvement in such an event as marriage was noted by L. R. Farnell, emphasizing that she actually appropriates functions, and in Sparta-even the name of Hera. After analyzing the relevant literary sources in a fairly wide chronological range (up to Plutarch), Farnell comes to the conclusion that this particular morally pure cult of the goddess as the patroness of married life contrasts with her Eastern cults and is a very important element in the development of the ancient world.

45. Berard S. Anodoi. Essai sur 1'imagerie des passages chthoniens // Bibliotheca Helvetica Romana. T. 13. Neu. hatel, 1973. P. 33; Dugas C. Decoration et imagerie dans la ceramique grecque // REG. 1936. 49. P. 440 suiv.

46. Berard. Op. cit. P. 34.

47. In any case, neither on the East Greek tombstones with their tendency to detailed narrative, nor on the Thessalian stelae this plot is not present: Pfuh! E., Mohius H. Die ostgriechischen Grabreliefs. Mainz am Rhein, 1977; Biesantz H. Die thessalischen Grabreliefs. Mainz am Rhein, 1965.

48. Gold earrings of the second half of the IV century BC have pendants in the form of miniature female half-figures with partially transferred hands, quite similar to terracotta. Examples of such earrings are kept, in particular, in Berlin state museums. It is assumed that they were elements of the funeral headdress of brides (Hoffmann H? Davidson P. F. Greek Gold. Jewelry from the Age of Alexander. The Brooklyn Museum, January 20 - March 9, 1965. N.Y., 1966. P. 96-98. N 20; Zahn R. Ausstellung von Schmuckarbeiten aus Edelmetall aus den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. B? 1932. S. 58).

49. Paus. XXXIV. 12.

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a product of the Greek religion proper (50). As for the worship of Aphrodite as the goddess of beauty and purely carnal love, this aspect, according to Farnell, " was more interested in Greek poetry than religion "(51).

In connection with the questions raised, another statuette that has not yet been published is of interest, which is kept in the Hermitage (Fig. 7-8) [52]. In front of us is a figure of a sitting naked woman. She has a straight-set head on a long, slender neck. The hair is tucked under the headband in such a way that a hole is left on the top of the head, through which the curl is knocked out. On the left temple, hair is also visible from under the bandage. The woman has an elongated oval face, large eyes with modeled upper and lower eyelids, a thin long nose, plump lips (and the upper lip is very short), a massive rounded chin. The naked body in front is sculpted confidently, with smooth transitions. Despite significant losses, the ability to convey living flesh is felt, unlike the previous figure (inv. N. 248) with its schematism and extreme simplification. From the back, the interpretation is very generalized. A through horizontal hole in the shoulders indicates that the arms were suspended. The figurine belongs to the type of terracotta that had movable hanging arms and was also classified as a so-called doll (53).

50. Farnell L.R. The Cults of the Greek States. V. II. Oxf., 1896. P. 655 f.

51. Ibid. P. 668.

52. Inv. N. 259. Received in 1851 from the Pizzati collection. Height 13.5 cm; the clay is orange, fine-grained, sometimes covered with a dense white coating; the preservation is very poor.

53. Winter. Op. cit. S. 65. In general, nude female figurines with suspended arms of classical and Hellenistic times have been found in necropolises and sanctuaries in various regions of the Greek world, for example, in Cyrenaica or Macedonia; see Mollard-Besques. Op. cit. pp. 200-203; Daux G. Chronique des fouilles 1964 // BCH. 1965. 89. P. 792-795. Fig. 4.

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An analogy to the Hermitage statuette is a copy kept in the Berlin Antiquarium (54). A reproduction of it appeared in 1903 in two editions at once: a drawing by W. F. Smith. Winter and photography by von Stradonitz (55). The picture clearly shows a necklace made of round beads and oblong pendants, which is indistinguishable in the photo showing the left profile. Probably, the decoration on this side made of moldings has not been preserved, although it is mentioned in the description. After more than twenty years, a reproduction of this figure has reappeared, where you can distinguish the traces of pendants and round beads are clearly visible (56). On the wrist of the preserved left hand of the Berlin statuette is a bracelet. Large disc-shaped earrings complete the goddess-worthy jewelry set. The Hermitage terra-cotta jewelry probably had earrings, as the surface in the corresponding places clearly shows traces of attachment of round rivets.

In all the publications mentioned above, the statuette from Berlin was called Attica as its production center. The clay from which the Hermitage statuette is made also confirms this opinion [57]. Separate terracotta thrones were found attached to some of the figures (58). Judging by the modeling of the back of the Hermitage statuette (inv. N. 259), it could also be connected to a similar throne.

There is reason to believe that there was, at least in some cases, a definite connection between the two types of nude female figures-standing and sitting. One of the several known varieties of the latter type can serve as proof of this. We are talking about figurines of naked seated women, originating from Southern Italy, who have only the upper parts of their arms sculpted. V. Amelung, who published one of them, hardly justifiably called it a doll, attributed it to the works of strict style in the middle of the fifth century AD and noted that such terracotas are found in the Locris necropolis (Fig. 9 (59). An important coincidence should be noted: the plot of the anode and cathode associated with the partial representation of figures in vase painting, in addition to Attica, found significant distribution precisely in the works of Magna Graecia masters who worked under the strong influence of Attic artists [60]. It is possible that we are facing a similar phenomenon in coroplasty.

The statuette published by Amelung is particularly spectacular, as its strict solemnity and hieraticity is enhanced by the diligent transfer of a high tiara, earrings and necklaces, which stand out especially because of the nakedness of the figure. There is no doubt that this is a deity, quite possibly Aphrodite-Hera, whose cult was widespread in Southern Italy. In Tarentum, however, he entered as a result of close ties with

54 First mention of him: Heihig W. Di corrispondenza archeologica / / Bulletin dell'Istituto di comspondenza archeologica. Roma, 1868. 2. P. 54.

55. Winter. Op. cit. S. 65; Kekule von Stradonitz R. Ausgewahlte griechische Terrakotten im Antiquarium der Koniglichen Museen zu Berlin. В., 1903. S. 12. Taf. X.

56. Koster. Op. cit. S. 57. Taf. 30. It is difficult to determine the type of pendants unconditionally due to poor preservation. Most likely, these are grain-shaped pendants, which are more often dated to the IV century BC, but the specimen from the II Seven-fold mound, which looks the most similar in the ratio of the size of beads and pendants, dates from 450-425 BC (Williams, Ogden. Uk. op. N 71, 180).

57. A whole group of figurines is so similar to the figure from the Berlin Antiquarium that Winter did not make sense to distinguish the latter in a separate type. As a result, such similar copies as the Berlin and Hermitage ones fell into different types. The reason for this error was probably due to the fact that the researcher himself did not see the St. Petersburg terracotta, but used a list with sketches at the end, compiled in 1892.The absolute majority of samples of this type come from Attica. It is possible that the specimens found in other centers were Attic imports (Winter. Op. cit. S. 8, 165).

58. The most famous example is a statuette of the late fifth century BC from the British Museum, the throne of which is distinguished by a special pomp and complexity of decoration (Higgins. Op. cit. p. 186 f. N 702-703). The thrones of statuettes from the National Museum of Denmark (Breifenslein. Op. cit. N 268-269).

59. Amelung W. Studien zu Kunstgeschichte Unteritaliens und Siziliens // MDA1(R). 1925. 40. S. 207 f. Abb. 19.

60. Berard. Op. cit. P. 32.

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Sparta (61). The existence of the cult of Aphrodite-Hera in Sparta is mentioned by Pausanias (62).

Except for the Italian type, which was discussed above, all the statuettes of seated nude women have completely sculpted arms, either mobile (like in the Hermitage terracotta), or tightly pressed to the sides, sometimes bent at the elbows and extended forward. Of particular interest are cases where miniature objects that are directly related to figurines have also been preserved. Two such examples are known. A figure with suspended arms from an Attic burial at the end of the fifth century BC has a bone pigeon, the bird of Aphrodite, in its right hand; a tiny wedding debit and an epinetron were also found there - a necessary accessory for a spinner (Figure 10) [63]. Another terracotta, from Tarentum, with motionless hands (circa 300 BC). E.) - with a bone spinning wheel in his hand (Fig. II) (64). Thus, the masters are coroplasts,

61. Dorig. Op. cit. S. 49.

62. Spartan mothers sacrificed to Aphrodite-Hera when their daughters were married (Paus. m. 13.9).

63. Guide to the Exhibition Illustrating Greek and Roman Life. British Museum. L., 1929. P. 199. Fig. 218. Higtins (Op. cit. N 702) provides data on the origin of several other similar specimens from the Athenian Agora.

64. Art of the Ancients: Greeks, Etruscans and Romans. Exhibition. N.Y., 1968. P. 39. N 47.

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those who worked in different periods and in different places associated statuettes of sitting nude women with the spinning motif.

At first glance, the combination of a nude figure and a spinning wheel in itself seems contradictory. After all, the earliest archaic images of nude women in terracotta were interpreted as images of hetaerae (65), and in vase painting, where from about the middle of the VI century BC there is an interest in the naked female body, it is also usually about subjects related to hetaerae (66). For centuries, the spinning wheel has served as a symbol of a good woman, the mistress of the house, the keeper of the hearth. Such it appears in one of the Idylls of Theocritus:

The spinning wheel, the spinners you are a friend; you were given by the Virgin Athena as a gift to the Wives of those whose soul keeps the inclination for home and work in itself.

The poet takes an old ivory spinning wheel to Miletus as an expensive gift to the wife of his friend and doctor Nikias:

There you are, whom of old someone's chisel made with great difficulty From ivory, as a gift I will give into the hands of his wife.

(Translated by M. Grabar-Passek) (67).

As the vase painting shows, however, not everything is so clear. On the outside of Master Ambrose's signature kilik, five men are shown entering the home of six hetaerae, with whom they are about to go to a party. Analyzing the plot, G. R. Immervar specifically focuses on the fact that friends find two hetaerae spinning, and concludes: kilik proves once and for all that a woman with a spinning wheel can mean a hetaera. Immervar believed that this finally put an end to the existing discussion on this subject (68).

Of course, the interpretation of terracotta figures of seated nude women as ordinary hetaerae seems completely implausible. However, it is possible that hetaera priestesses could be depicted in this way. This assumption is supported by the fact that the figurines in question are particularly widespread in Southern Italy, where, in particular, in Locri, the cult of Aphrodite, revered as the main deity along with Persephone, was accompanied by temple prostitution and related special rituals and holidays (69). However, in Attica monuments with images of naked girls performing a ritual dance are often associated with the cult of Artemis (70).

65. The most famous such statuette P. Knoblauch defined as a statuette of a hetaera. E. Rode did not agree with him, considering that Stefan and the veil prove that we are talking about the image of the goddess. In the Louvre, however, there is a statuette similar to the Berlin one, also of Attic work from about 470 BC (but without the pokryzal and stufana); according to Mollard-Besk, it echoes the courtesans of the Euphronius chalice; see Kficihlaiich/'. Studien zur archaisch-griechischen Tonbildnerei in Kreta, Rhodes, Athen und Boeotien. Bleicherode, 1937. S. 175, 182. N 363; Rhode. Op. cit. S. 17. Abb. 13; Mollard-Besques. Op. cit. PI. LVI, C7.

66. Muller W.A. Nackheit und Entblossung in der altorientalischen und alteren griechischen Kunst. Lpz, 1906. S. 141, 153. The peak of the heyday of the so-called Geterenmalerei coincides with the dominance of a strictly stylistic style in vase painting (Nicosthenes, Epictetus and his circle), i.e. chronologically corresponds to the type of terracotta half-figures.

67. Theocr. Idyl. XXVIII. Among the Romans, at the wedding ceremony, the distaff was carried next to the bride as a symbol of her marital duty (Lafayer G. Fusus / / Daremherg Ch., Saglio E. Dictionnaire des antiquites greques et remains. V. II. 2. P., 1896. P. 1427).

68. Immerwahr H.R. An Inscribed Cup by the Ambrosios Painter / Antike Kunst. 27. Ht I. Basel, 1984. S. 11. Ann;. 6.

69. Pruckner I. Die lokrischen Tonreliefs. Mainz am Rhein, 1968. S. 13-14. On the connection of the spinning motif with Aphrodite, see Sulir Elmer G. The Spinning Aphrodite. N.Y., 1969.

70. Bourclmarm .1. Athenian Black Figure Vases. L., 1974. P. 182. Fig. 317. Plutarch mentions the participation of naked girls in rituals associated with the cult of Artemis in Sparta (Lye. XIV).

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In bronze sculpture, nude female figures served as mirror stands in the 7th-5th centuries BC (71) The proposed interpretations should probably be taken into account when trying to interpret the corresponding terracotas. G. Kerte, G. M. A. Richter, E. Frank, K. Prashniker, and after them, L. O. Kin Congdon they come to the conclusion that we are talking about ritual nudity, and we are most likely dealing with images of temple servants and ministers of certain cults. First of all, the cult of Aphrodite is called, and hetaera are mentioned at the temples of Aphrodite in Corinth and other places. The priestesses of the sanctuary near Limneon, where the tunic was woven for Apollo of Limneum, and the priestesses of the sanctuary of Artemis Ortia are also mentioned (72).

Even in the last century, Kerte suggested that sometimes such figures could represent deceased female worshippers or temple attendants, since they are accompanied by sirens and sphinxes associated with death (73). This version echoes the point of view of K. Shefold, who believed that naked women sitting on thrones represent images of heroized dead women. Shefold recalls the widespread view of death as a sacred wedding and initiation into the other world (74). In addition, he dwells on examples of nude female figures, next to which there are figures of Eros, in particular on the stands of bronze mirrors, and argues that such a neighborhood is enough to consider the depicted one as Aphrodite (75).

The difficulty of identifying a female character is due to the fact that in archaic and classical art, until the time when the image of a naked Aphrodite becomes canonized, it is difficult to identify the goddess if there is no corresponding inscription. In vase painting, for example, such inscriptions greatly simplify the interpretation of subjects. This point was also noted by Farnell: "If we consider monuments

71. Keene Congdon L. О. Caryatid Mirrors of Ancient Greece. Mainz am Rhein, 1981. P. 52 ff., 104.

72. Korte G. Uber eine altgriechische Statuette der Aphrodite aus der Necropole von Volsinii (Orvieto). Archaologische Studien. В., 1893. S. 28; Richter G.M.A. An Archaic Greek Mirror // AJA. 1938. 42. P. 344; Frank Е. Griechiche Standspiegel mit menschlicher Stutzfigur. Miinchen, 1923. S. 17 ff.; Praschniker C. Bronzene Spiegelstutze in Wiener Hofmuseum // Jahreshefte des Osterreichischen Archaologischen Instituts in Wien. Wien, 1912. Bd XV. S. 250-251; Keene Congdon. Op. cit. P. 14-15.

73. Korte. Op. cit. S. 28.

74. Schefold К. Baseler Antiken in Bild. Basel, 1958. S. 27-28, 35. This point of view is shared by X. Herdejiirgen: Herdejiirgen H. Die tarentinischen Terrakotten des 6. bis 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. in Antikenmuseum Basel. Basel, 1971. S. 53.

75. Schefold К. Griechische Spiegel // Die Antike. В., 1940. Bd 16. S. 24. Shefold did not rule out that in cases where there were no images of Eros, a participant in a religious ritual could be depicted in this way.

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We have no need to believe that there has always been a cult image and type peculiar to Aphrodite, and a special name by which she was recognized and worshipped in a particular locality; and it is often impossible to decide what is the distinctive character of her image... among the many monuments that have come down to us, relatively few of them can be named with certainty and a specific cult associated with them " (76).

In the monumental sculpture of the early classics, a rare example of a magnificent image of a nude female figure is a very famous and at the same time mysterious monument of strict style - the so-called throne of Ludovisi. We are talking about a flute player in one of his side reliefs. J. E. Harrison believed, based on analogies in vase painting, that the hetaera is represented here (77). This similarity was also noted by B. S. Ridgeway, giving a number of specific comparisons, including with the flute-playing hetaera Seklina from the Hermitage psycter Euphronius (inv. N. b. 1650) [78]. It seems, however, that in this case, starting from the external formal similarity to determine the essence of the character is a wrong move. Only in the context of the content of the entire monument, all three interrelated reliefs, can a more or less reasonable interpretation begin to emerge, which indirectly sheds light on the meaning of the terracotta paintings that interest us.

The vast literature on the reliefs of the Ludovisi throne contains several versions of the plot, none of which can be considered conclusively proven. And yet, a certain general result can be summed up. The central scene represents the solemn appearance of the goddess, which means both the birth from the depths of the sea and the exit from the sacred waters after a ritual cleansing bath (79). Hrh. Kardara offered an original, though not very convincing interpretation of the scene as a ritual bathing of the statue of Hera (80). But the central figure is no different from the obviously living characters supporting it on the sides. Moreover, it is psychologically and emotionally connected with them. It is most likely that the sculptor captured some kind of performance, a ritual performed by persons initiated into religious mysteries. Moreover, the figure of the performer of the role of the deity is formed by the edge of the relief exactly at the same level as the terracotta figurines-semi-figures. It is possible that a certain "cipher" that is understandable to contemporaries (as discussed above) comes into play here and implies the transition of the deity from one sphere to another.

If we assume that the central scene of the Ludovisi throne reliefs reflects an episode of the mysteries, a single plan appears that unites all the reliefs, according to which the flutist is one of the participants in the action. Her nakedness is associated with a cleansing ritual observed by the participants of certain mysteries. Playing the flute, which often accompanied religious ceremonies, is perceived as an organic element of the plot (81).

Turning back to the terracotta figurines, we find important points of contact between them and the unique sculptural monument: the theme of the wedding and the appearance of the patron goddess (or goddess of the Holy Spirit) before the initiates and the bride.

76. Farnell. Op. cit. P. 676. In the British Museum there is a kilic of classical times, on which Aphrodite is depicted standing in front of Ares (Ibid. p. 702. PI. L, i). There is nothing particularly distinctive about her appearance, but the inscription removes any doubt about who is in front of us. This one of the many examples is interesting because the hairstyle and headdress of Aphrodite are the same as those of the Hermitage terracotta (inv. N. 259).

77.Harrison. Op. cit. P. 313. Not. I.

78. Runway B.S. The Severe Style in Greek Sculpture. Princcton, 1970. P. 50. Not. 7,

79. Ibid. P. 55.

80. Kurduru Chr. Some Remarks on the Ludovisi Relief// MDAI (A). 1961. 76. P. 82-83.

81. The draped girl on the right-hand slab, according to the now generally accepted definition, is a bride performing a certain ritual. Hence the strangeness of her attire: a veil is thrown over the saccos, and a cloak is also thrown over the veil (Kardarci. Op. cit. P. 87-88).

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performers of her role), whose figure is only partially visible to the eye, nudity, which is of a ritual nature. All these coincidences indicate that the masterpiece of ancient sculpture and miniature serial terracotas belong to the same system of religious ideas that we do not fully understand.

In coroplasty of the mid - second half of the fifth century BC, the image of a nude female figure is quite rare, and many half-figures show that the masters have not yet had a "full hand". Meanwhile, in vase painting by this time, the figures of naked hetaerae, women performing ablutions, are sometimes drawn with such skill, as if the transfer of any movement or rotation of the body is not a problem for the artist (82). In plastic, the situation was different. The goal of sculptors of this era was primarily to sculpt the perfect male body. In part, this task was stimulated by the possibility of observing and studying ideal models provided by the Palaestra (83).B. Schweizer rightly characterized the fifth century BC as a time of the reign of the masculine principle in politics, philosophy, and art, a time when masculinity becomes a symbol of the age (84). It is significant that even in the fourth century BC Aristotle, when formulating his aesthetic views on the diversity, conditionality and variability of beauty, as an example refers specifically to male beauty, which is one - in a young man, the other - in a mature husband or an old man (85). Clearly expressed in plastic art, the impact of the male nude model on artists who depicted nude women led E. Klimovsky to suggest that the sculptor created a female image in his own image and likeness, and it resembles Plato's statement that a woman is nothing but an imperfect man (86).

Such a tilt in search of an aesthetic ideal left its mark, and even knowing the anatomy of the female body, the artist brought to the image created by him a moment of athleticism, inherent in the ideal young man or man. The tradition of late Archaic art to depict women as broad-shouldered, angular and narrow-hipped, like young athletes, can be clearly traced in the Acropolis cors of the last third of VI BC. e. and was noticed by the French researcher Lesha:

"C'est une femme, mais si peu feminine" (87). This approach is even more clearly shown in the bronze mirror stands in the form of nude female figures, to which our terracotta half-figure is essentially very close in its formal solution (88). If it were not for sakkos, the terracotta statuette from the back could easily be mistaken for the image of a young man, and it is not by chance that both Schweizer and Derig, in search of a reference point in monumental plastic, from which it would be possible to stretch a connecting thread to terracotas of this type, turn not to the female image, but to the youth of Kritia (89). The similarity of the tectonic solution does not really cause com-

82. It is sufficient to cite for example the Hermitage kilik of Nicosphene (inv. N b. 3375); see Peredolskaya AL. Red-figure Attic vases in the Hermitage. L., 1967. p. 16. N 9. Table VII, 2. See also: Antique Art from the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Exhibition catalog. Moscow, 1978. N 56; Hoffmann H. Collecting Greek Antiquities. N.Y., 1971. Fig. 99; Moon Warren G. Greek Vase Painting in Midwestern Collections. The Art Institute of Chicago. Catalogue of the Exhibition. Chicago, 1979. P. 152-153. N 88; Boardman J. Athenian Red Figure Vases. The Archaic Period. L., 1975. PI. 46, 99, 109, 122, 233 etc.

83. Waldstein Ch. The Influence of Athletic Games upon Greek Art. Discourse Delivered at the Royal Institution on Friday, April 13, 1883. L., 1883. E. V. Klimowski (Klimowski E. W. Das mann-weibliche Leitbild in der Antike. Mlinchen, 1972. S. 36).

84. Schweitzer. Op. cit. S. 14.

85.Cit. by: Tatarkevich V. Antique aesthetics, Moscow, 1977, p. 154.

86. Klimowski. Op. cit. S. 63. P. Sorokin explains this fusion of masculine and feminine principles by striving for idealization in the most general form (Sorokm P. Social and Cultural Dynamics. L., 1957. P. 107).

87. Lechat H. Sculpture grecque antique. P., 1904. P. 69, 141.

88. Keene Congdon. Op. cit. P. 130. N 6. PI. 2; P. 129-130. N 5. PI. 4; P. 147. N 128. PL 23; P. 145-146. N 26. PI. 23. You can also specify a copy from the Hermitage found near the Annovka farm in the Odessa region (inv. N Dn. 1897.4 / 1).

89. Srhweitzer. Op. cit. S. 19-20; Dorig. Op. cit. S. 46.

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advantages: the same conditional ability to fit a figure into an elongated rectangle, the same method of setting, when the right leg is slightly extended forward, causes a shift in the weight of the body and the corresponding asymmetry of muscles, clearly visible on the back. The expression of the face, which expresses impassibility bordering on haughtiness, leaves no doubt that it belongs to the strict plastic style and evokes the magnificent attic female head from the Liebighaus Museum in Frankfurt am Main, one of the best works of strict style in coroplasty (90).

The earliest statuettes of seated nude women date from the middle to second half of the fifth century BC, and the contrast between the very primitive interpretations of some figures and the rather skillful execution of others is striking. In some cases, this may be explained by a specific local visual tradition. For example, Aegina's coroplasts represented exactly the first direction, judging by the specimens from a private Swiss collection and from the Louvre [91]. It is more difficult to explain the heterogeneity of Attic figurines. The difference between the British Museum figure sitting on the path, where the sophistication of the throne seems to emphasize the angularity and schematic plasticity of the naked body, and the Hermitage copy of the late fifth and first half of the fourth century BC is so great that it can hardly be explained only by a certain chronological difference. It is possible that the reason for this difference is in the unequal degree of talent of the masters and, accordingly, in different degrees of receptivity to the achievements of the vase painters and sculptors who worked alongside them.

TWO TERRACOTTA FIGURINES FROM THE STATE HERMITAGE COLLECTION

Ye.N. Khodza

The article publishes two Attic figurines from the Hermitage collection, both belonging to the so-called "doll" type of terracotta. It is essential to note, that though, even if these terracottas could under some circumstances have been used as toys, their main intent was sacral and religious, connected with after-life. The first of the terracottas (made in mid-5th с. ВС) represents a naked female figure with only the forearms and without the lower parts of legs beneath the knees. The second figurine, a seated naked woman, has a horizontal hole in its shoulders, through which a thread was pushed to fix the movable hands, and is dated back to late 5th - early 4th с. ВС.

Any attempt to interpret the ideas expressed in the figurines can only be hypothetic. Thus, the partial presence of arms and legs in the first figurine could have meant anodos and kathodes, i.e. transition from one sphere of existence to another one, connected with a young girl's death, but also with the idea of marriage and "lepog" ydiio?". Of all the possible versions the most probable seems to be the one which interpretes both types of figurines as images of Aphrodite or Aphrodite-Hera.

90. Poulsen V.H. Der strenge Stil // Acta Archaelogica. V. VIII. Kobenhavn, 1937. S. 60. Abb. 39; Bol. Op. cit. S. 52-53; idem. Antike Bronzetechnik. Munchen, 1985. S. 115. Taf. 74; Eckstein. Legner. Op. cit. N 37-36.

91. Dorig. Op. cit. Taf. 26, 3-4; Mollard-Besqes. Op. cit. P. 27.

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